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THE SPIRIT LAKE MASSACRE 



THE SPIRIT LAKE MASSACRE 



BY 
THOMAS TEAKLE 



i^ 




PUBLISHED AT IOWA CITY IOWA IN 1918 BY 
THE STATE HISTOEIOAL SOCIETY OF IOWA 



t,?^ 



2^1 



DEC 



23 1118 



EDITOR'S INTRODUCTION 

The massacre of the white settlers in the region 
of Lake Okol^oji and Spirit Lake in 1857 by a 
band of Indians nnder the leadership of Inkpa- 
dnta has eonie to be known as "The Spirit Lake 
Massacre", although the tragedy was for the 
most part enacted on the borders of Lake Oko- 
boji. There seems, however, to be no substantial 
reason for renaming the episode in the interest of 
geographical accuracy; and so in this volume the 
familiar designation of "The Spirit Lake Mas- 
sacre ' ' has been retained. 

Bexj. F. Shambaugh 

Office of the Superixtexdext axd Editor 

The State Historical Society of Iowa 

Iowa City Iowa 



AUTHOR'S PREFACE 

It is probable that no event in the history of north- 
western Iowa has aroused more popular interest 
than that of the Spirit Lake Massacre of March, 
1857. Not alone in northwestern Iowa but also in 
the adjacent sections of Minnesota and South Da- 
kota is the story of its events and associated inci- 
dents well known. 

The Spirit Lake Massacre came as the culminating 
episode in a long series of incidents intimately con- 
nected with the settlement of northern and western 
Iowa. For years previous to 1857 the Indians of the 
Siouan tribes had obstinately resisted white settle- 
ment and had succeeded in a marked degree in 
retarding the movement. It may be said with a rea- 
sonable degree of certainty that if the events of 
March, 1857, had not occurred the settlement of this 
region would have been postponed for some years: 
the Massacre not only aroused the authorities of the 
State of Iowa to the necessity of exerting the force 
of military pressure upon the Indians to discourage 
or end their forays, ])ut it also enlisted the efforts of 
the Federal authorities in the same direction. This 



AUTHOR'S PREFACE 



joint interest and protection could have only one re- 
sult — the retirement of the Sioux to the region of 
the Missouri and the rapid influx of white settlers. 
The Massacre definitely settled the Indian question 
for Iowa: henceforth the red man ceased to play 
an}^ important part in the history of this Common- 
wealth. 

While the following pages are, as far as practic- 
able, based upon primary materials, the w^riter ac- 
knowledges his obligation to many other sources in 
the not(\s and references which follow the text. Since 
no adequate history of the Spirit Lake Massacre can 
be written wholly from primary materials, consider- 
able reliance upon secondary sources has been found 
necessary in this work. Furthermore, the writer is 
well aware that he has taken a number of new posi- 
tions concerning causes and incidents of the Mas- 
sacre ; but in this he feels well sustained by the pre- 
ponderance of authority. 

Without the unflagging interest and the tireless 
enthusiasm and encouragement of Dr. Benj. F. 
Shambaugli the more than four years of research 
involved in this work would never have been under- 
taken or carried through to its close. To many 
others the author also feels himself obligated for 
invaluable assistance. Among these may be noted 
Curator E. R. Harlan, Librarian Alice Marple, As- 



AUTHOR'S PREFACE 



sistant Editor Ida M. Hnntingtoii, and Suporintend- 
oiit of Archives C. C. Stiles, all of the Historical 
Department of Iowa. Dr. Dan E. Clark, Associate 
Editor in The State Historical Society of Iowa, as- 
sisted in editing and verifying the manuscript ; and 
to him the author is indebted for the index. 

Thomas Teakle 

The North High School 
Dks Moines Jowa 



CONTENTS 



I. 

II. 

III. 

IV. 

V. 

VI. 

VII. 

VIII. 

IX. 

X. 

XI. 

XII. 

XIII. 

XIV. 

XV. 

XVI. 
XVII. 



The Advancing Frontier 
Indian Wrongs and Discontent 
The Unprotected Frontier 
The Grindstone War and the 

Death of Sidominadota . 
The Frontier and the Winter of 

1856-1857 .... 
Okoboji and Springfield in 

March 1857 
The Journey East for Supplies 
The Inkpaduta Band . 
Inkpaduta Seeks Revenge . 
The Smithland Incident . 
From Smithland to Okoboji 
The First Day of the Massacre 
The Second Day of the Massacre 
From Okoboji to Heron Lake 
News of Massacre Reaches 

Springfield and Fort Ridgely 
Relief Sent from Fort Ridgely 
Preparations for Defense at 

Springfield . . . . 



1 

9 

17 



44 

59 
63 
72 
78 
84 
94 
108 
113 

122 

128 

132 



CONTENTS 



XVIII. Inkpaduta Attacks Springfield . 138 
XIX. The Settlers Flee from Spring- 
field 147 

XX. Relief Arrives from Fort 

Ridgely 153 

XXI. Organization of Relief at Fort 

Dodge and Webster City . . 159 
XXII. The March from Fort Dodge to 

Medium Lake .... 170 

XXIII. From Medium Lake to Granger 's 

Point 182 

XXIV. The Burial Detail . . . 192 
XXV. Return of the Relief Expedition 206 

XXVI. The Death of Mrs. Thatcher . 215 

XXVII. The Ransom of Mrs. Marble . 225 
XXVIII. The Death of Mrs. Noble and 

the Ransom of Abbie Gardner 232 
XXIX. Pursuit and Punishment of 

Inkpaduta .... 245 

XXX. The Memorial Tributes of Iowa 260 

XXXI. Changes of Sixty Years . . 269 

Notes and References . . . 277 

Index 321 



THE ADVANCING FRONTIER 

Clothed in myth and legend and held in sacred awe 
by the Sioiian Indian, Lake Okoboji and Spirit Lake 
had rested in seclusion for ages at the headwaters of 
the Little Sioux. To the red men these lakes had 
been a sort of Mecca, second only to the red pipe- 
stone quarry to the nortlnvest, for the silent adora- 
tion and worship of the Spirit.^ Although the region 
liad been little disturbed by the whites the Sioux 
were becoming uneasy as the frontier continued its 
westward advance. By the middle of the nineteenth 
century the meeting and clashing of the two races 
became more frequent. 

This rivalry of the races was engendered by the 
white man's disregard of what the Indian held as 
sacred: it was embittered by the unstable policies 
of the government. Finally, in the early days of 
March, 1857, came one of those tragic events in the 
long series of misguided attempts to deal with the 
Indian and solve the problem of the frontier. In 
this terrible tragedy in the pioneer history of north- 
western Iowa, the lives of more than forty wdiite 
people w^ere sacrificed. The Spirit Lake Massacre 
was the result of an Indian policy which has been 
characterized as ** vacillating, full of inconsistencies 

1 



THE SPIRIT LAKE MASSACRE 



and incongruities, of experiments and failures."" 
For the Sioux this policy had been the cause of fre- 
quent humiliation. 

It must be frankly admitted that in dealing with 
the Indian the whites too often lost sight of the fact 
that the red man was really a human being, seeking 
to have his person as well as his rights respected. 
To compel the respect which his proud spirit de- 
manded, he frequently resorted to massacre. In 
fact, an Indian was open to insults and abuse from 
his fellow tribesmen until he had killed a foe.^ 

To some extent the Indian appreciated his own in- 
feriority, and he was expectantly on the alert to pre- 
vent being over-reached and deceived by the whites. 
Suspicious by nature, he became doubly so when his 
activities brought him into relation with another 
race. Unhappily he was not always wrong in his sus- 
picions of the white man's deception, and many un- 
pleasant border difficulties sprang from his attempts 
to match deception with deception. Physically su- 
perb, he too often had recourse to those physical 
means of redress that have marked the history of the 
frontier with tales of tragic revenge.* 

Accustomed to the matching of intellects, the 
whites frequently resorted to the stilted verbiage of 
treaties in their efforts to push the Indian farther 
toward the setting sun. In these treaties the red 
man found much cause for complaint — not so much 
in the strict wording of the documents themselves as 
in the management of affairs they induced. This 
too often exasperated and provoked the Indian.^ To 



THE ADVANCING FRONT rKK 



him the Iowa country was a paradise. Not only was 
it his home and liiinting ground, but here centered 
mucli of the traditional lore of his tribe and race. 
Thus Iowa was doubly dear to him and worth his 
most determined effort to hold. x\s the wave of 
settlements advanced, the Indian was induced to 
sell — sometimes under circumstances provoking a 
strong suspicion of compulsion rather than volun- 
tary agreement in the transfer. lie felt instinctively 
that he had to retire, but in his racial pride he re- 
sented the necessity. He knew well the later tradi- 
tions of his race, in the light of which he could fore- 
see that in a very brief time force, wdiich ''comprises 
the elements of all Indian treaties"," would be used 
to drive him from his domain. 

As tract after tract was ceded, lands that the In- 
dian did not w^ant w^ere given to him in exchange — 
lands devoid of good camping places and w^anting in 
such game as was essential to his very existence. 
Moreover, the very lands the Indians prized most 
were the most sought for by the whites. The qual- 
ities causing them to be prized by the one made them 
desirable for the other. Thus the Indian's subsist- 
ence became so precarious that often he w^as on the 
verge of starvation. Coupled with this deprivation 
of favorite pleasure and hunting grounds w^as the 
white man's idealistic dream of civilizing the Indian 
by making him work at tilling the soil or at the vari- 
ous trades. This seemed to the haughty red man a 
real degradation. He could die fighting, if need be ; 
but work he would not. His steadfast refusal to 



THE SPIRIT LAKE MASSACRE 



work or become civilized could only end in banish- 
ment from the lands he valued so highly. In view of 
this policy of forcing him into an involuntary exile, 
one ceases to wonder that he grew discontented and 
rebelled rather than submit.'^ He could not have 
done otherwise and retain his pride of race. 

Forcible dispossession of his ancestral hunting 
ranges, however, would not have provoked in him an 
overweening hatred for the white man if it had not 
been so often coupled with a show of military force. 
The sole purpose of such military campaigns seems 
to have been to frighten the Indian in order that he 
might learn to be peaceful and pliant through fear of 
punishment. 

These campaigiis — of which the one by General 
Harney against the Sioux ending in the affair of 
Ash Hollow on September 3, 1855, is the most cruel 
example — sometimes ended not in pacification but 
in massacre in which the ferocity of the white man 
vied wdth that of the Indian. Harney had been re- 
called from Europe and sent into the West against 
the Indians for no other purpose than that of terri- 
fying them.® Such affairs as this were most un- 
worthy of the American soldier. Nor did the Indian 
soon forget these atrocities: thereafter he seldom 
let an opportunity pass which offered revenge. 

The military expeditions referred to were fre- 
quently followed by the making of treaties providing 
for land cessions and the consequent westward reces- 
sion of the Indians. Moreover, these treaties, the 
making of which was stoutly resisted, were usually 



THE ADVANCING FRONTIER 



acknowledged only by a tribal remnant; and so tliey 
were not deemed as binding by the widely scattered 
major portion of the tribe. Their provisions were 
not always observed, and often blood had to flow to 
secure a temporary obedience. Thus the story of 
the government's relations with the Sioux became 
an alternation of treaties and Indian and white re- 
taliatory measures. A treaty was only too often 
accepted by the Indians as a challenge for some 
shrewdly devised scheme of vengeful retaliation. 

Through a series of treaties extending from 1825 
to 1851 the Indian occupants of Iowa soil were slowly 
but surely dispossessed. They felt the westward 
push of white migration, and were fearful of being 
unable to stem it. Unluckily for themselves they 
fell to intertribal quarreling, and for the moment, 
being off their guard, they accepted white mediation. 
Thus, the two treaties of Prairie du Chien had at- 
tempted to settle the differences between the Sioux 
and their traditional enemies, the confederated Sacs 
and Foxes."* But they did not succeed, since the line 
established in the first of these two treaties was so 
indefinite that neither white man nor Indian could 
locate it to his own satisfaction. To the Sioux their 
claim to northern and western Iowa seemed assured, 
and they proceeded confidently to its occupation. 
The Sacs and Foxes believed the same concerning 
their rights in southeastern Iowa and jealously 
sought to exclude all others from it. 

By the second treaty of Prairie du Chien there 
was established the Neutral Ground, which only ag- 



THE SPIRIT LAKE MASSACRE 



gravated the difficulties already existing.'" Then, by 
the treaty of September 15, 1832, the eastern portion 
of the Neutral Ground was designated as a reserva- 
tion for the Winnebagoes." The Wahpekuta Sioux 
never forgot this action, which they regarded as a 
violation of their proprietary rights in the district; 
and from that time on they became increasingly 
more difficult to deal with and more restive of re- 
straint. Later the Winnebagoes by two successive 
treaties made an absolute cession of this land." It 
was then opened to settlement, and the Sioux sulkily 
retired westward. 

In 1832 Black Hawk, the able Sac and Fox leader, 
burning with revenge for past wrongs and fearful of 
his waning power as a tribal leader as well as of the 
steady advance of the westward moving frontier, 
declared war. The conflict was brief, resulting in 
the defeat of Black Hawk. By four successive 
treaties covering the period from 1832 to 1842 he or 
his people were compelled to accede to agreements 
which had for their purpose the removal of the In- 
dians to lands west of the Missouri wholly unsuited 
to their needs." 

Likewise the lowas were required to surrender all 
claims which the United States had recognized in 
former treaties as entitling them to occupy Iowa 
soil.'* With the surrender of all right or interest 
which they held in the Iowa country they were in 
turn removed to a reservation beyond the Missouri. 
Southern Iowa had not as yet been cleared of its 
aboriginal inhabitants, for remnants of the Potta- 



THE ADVANCING FRONTIER 



wattamies, Chippewas, and Ottawas yet remained. 
By the treaty of June 5 and 17, 1846, however, these 
Indians agreed to withdraw to other reserves fur- 
ther west and south. ^^ 

The withdrawal of these tribes left only the Sioux 
who were striving to maintain a precarious foothold 
in northw^estern Iowa. The steadily advancing 
frontier was menacing their peace of mind, as it now 
became increasingly evident that they in turn would 
be ejected. Two conditions, the urgent demands of 
alarmed and annoyed border settlers and the 
troublesome character of the Sioux themselves, de- 
termined the Indian authorities at Washington to 
remove the members of these tribes. When in- 
formed of the government's intention to remove 
them, the Sioux begged to retain their lands. Not- 
withstanding Indian importunities representatives 
of the Sissetons and Wahpetons were cited to appear 
at Traverse des Sioux, Minnesota, to consider with- 
drawal. Here they gloomily gathered at the time 
appointed. Though outwardly ready to treat for 
withdrawal they did not conceal their displeasure. 
On July 23, 1851, however, the treaty of Traverse 
des Sioux was witnessed, by the terms of which these 
Indians were to definitely withdraw from northwest- 
ern Iowa to lands on the Minnesota River.^'^ 

At the close of the conference all seemed settled. 
But within a brief time the Sioux, who had not been 
parties to the treaty, positively refused to abide hj 
its provisions. Later, at Mendota, Minnesota, on 
August 5, 1851, the Mdewakanton and Wahpekuta 



THE SPIRIT LAKE MASSACRE 



tribes, in part, acceded to the Sisseton and Wahpeton 
cessions/" These cessions had not been accom- 
plished without considerable opposition: strong- 
tribal parties refused their consent outright and 
threatened trouble/^ For the period of nearly a 
decade the frontier settlements of the northwest 
were not free from the alarms created by these dis- 
contented bands. 



II 

INDIAN WRONGS AND DISCONTENT 

Unhappily the relinquishment of the Iowa country 
had not been free from a strong suspicion of wrongs 
done the Indians. The Indians had obstinately con- 
tested the giving up of these lands, and at no time 
was a treaty of relinquishment signed that may be 
said to have expressed the tribal will. These treaties 
of cession had instanced bad faith toward the 
natives, unwarranted interference on the part of the 
trader element, compulsion which at times ap- 
proached intimidation in the securing of signatures, 
allotment of lands to the Indians as reserves that 
appeared worthless from the Indian viewpoint, un- 
due urgency of prospective settlers anxious to 
*' squat" upon the vacated lands, and the forceful 
effect of the presence of the military. All of these 
factors had operated to secure cessions at the doubt- 
ful price of irritating the Indian and arousing his 
resentment. 

Officers in administrative charge of Indian affairs, 
far removed from actual contact with the Indians, 
too often failed to realize that Indian treaties should 
be regarded with some deference to their observance. 
Promises were made concerning the pa>T:nent of an- 
nuities which were long delayed in their fulfillment 



10 THE SPIRIT LAKE MASSACRE 

or never kept: to the Indian these promises seemed 
to be made only to be broken — as happened in the 
treaty of Traverse des Sioux. According to second 
chieftain Cloudman, the Indians for five years fol- 
lowing the making of this treaty remained quietly 
upon their reserve. At the expiration of that time, 
not having heard of or received any of the money 
promised, they began raiding the adjacent frontiers 
in an effort to produce action. ^^ 

Lack of good faith in treaty matters often precip- 
itated long periods of bad feeling, and occasionally 
blood was shed before the Indians could be convinced 
that faith was being kept or that agreements entered 
into were in turn to be kept by them. If treaties had 
been honestly and faithfully carried out in every in- 
stance it is not unlikely that the Sioux and other In- 
dians might have been far readier to refrain from 
wrong-doing than was often the case. Altogether 
the conditions on the frontier tended to create dis- 
affection among the Indians and a loss of respect for 
government promises. 

Not infrequently, as has been noted, the Indians 
were allotted lands that were wholly inadequate to 
supply their needs. The Sioux had outlived ''the 
means of subsistence of the hunter state": they 
were unable longer to eke out an existence exclusive- 
ly through the spoils of the chase.-" The buffalo and 
larger game were rapidly disappearing. But what 
was still worse, the Sioux often found upon going to 
the specified reserves that their coming had been an- 
ticipated by other hunters and the game was gone, 



INDIAN WRONGS AND DISCONTENT 11 

if indeed any had ever been there. In the presence 
of such conditions it was useless to appeal to the gar- 
rison commanders — to whom such complaints 
seemed absurd. On the other hand, the killing of 
intruders was nearly always resorted to as a warn- 
ing against marauders."^ To live it was necessary 
to resist the encroachment of others not of their 
kind, for barbarism demands a wide range of un- 
trammeled activity. Thus the Indians came to think 
that * ' if they would have game to kill, they must kill 
men too. ' ' ■- 

A great deal of Indian discontent is traceable in 
the final analysis to another cause : the presence up- 
on the Indian reserve, as well as on the white fron- 
tier, of a large number of undesirables, both red and 
white. As forerunners of white settlement, many 
adventurous characters found their way to the fron- 
tier posts and systematically preyed upon the In- 
dian. Undesirable as elements of civilization, they 
were equally troublesome on the frontier. In civ- 
ilized communities it was possible to restrain them, 
but along the borderland this power was either lack- 
ing or not organized. Oftentimes when these adven- 
turers pushed matters to an extremity, the outraged 
feelings of the Indian would demand a settlement or 
make one. Unhappily, post commanders were often 
only too willing to take up the needless quarrels of 
these frontier disturbers and exact a severe and not 
always just settlement in their behalf. Later when 
the more peaceably disposed settlers — the real pio- 
neers — began to arrive the Indian refused to make 



12 THE SPIRIT LAKE MASSACRE 

any distinction between them and their more turbu- 
lent predecessors. 

Again, the National government when settling the 
Indians upon their reserves took no account of the 
fact that there were both good and bad Indians — 
that there were Indian criminals as well as Indians 
willing to abide by the rules of tribal law. Both 
good and bad were settled indiscriminately upon the 
same reserve. The seditiously disposed were con- 
stantly creating trouble, and the Indian people as a 
whole incurred the blame and displeasure arising 
from the misdeeds of a few. These matters irritated 
those Indians who were well disposed and created an 
ever-ready excuse for an attack. 

Such, in the main, had been the attitude of the gov- 
ernment toward the Sioux as the last of the Indian 
races inhabiting the Iowa country. It had not been 
an altogether enlightened policy ; nor had it been one 
that was calculated to secure their good will. In- 
stead, it had stirred the Indians to wreak vengeance 
at every convenient opportunity. However mis- 
taken this policy toward the Indians had been, the 
attitude toward the frontier and its white inhab- 
itants had been no wiser and at times scarcely as 
wise. Much Indian trouble and no few massacres 
resulted from the loose administration of frontier 
affairs — more specifically from the lack of control 
exercised over various commercial interests whose 
chief justification for existence seemed to have been 
that they might prey upon the near-by red inhab- 
itants. The government failed to appreciate the 
need for an adequate defense of the frontier. 



INDIAN WRONGS AND DISCONTENT 13 

Venders of whiskey and other intoxicants fre- 
quented the frontiers and Indian villages — unmo- 
lested, oftentimes, in pushing their sales.'' It is true 
that laws had been enacted by Congress with a view 
to putting an end to the liquor nuisance among the 
Indians ; but the effective enforcement of these meas- 
ures had scarcely been attempted. If a more than 
usually zealous Indian agent forbade dealers to 
carry on their nefarious business within reserved 
grounds, they would erect their cabins upon the 
ceded lands immediately adjoining the reserves — 
places to which the Indians were at all times free to 
go. To make matters yet worse the agent was in 
some cases pow^erless to act even though he desired 
to do so. The Chippewa agent, for example, com- 
plained that the treaty of 1855 deprived him of as- 
sistants or force through which to punish or appre- 
hend violators of departmental rules and regula- 
tions.^* 

Thus was produced that state of affairs wdiere the 
Indian was being robbed and debauched, while inno- 
cent settlers were threatened by Indian violence dur- 
ing the periods of his drunken orgies. Not infre- 
quently the massacre of isolated settlers completed 
the tale of an Indian visitation to a near-by liquor 
dealer's establishment. Fortunate it was that the 
Sioux, "the Iroquois of the West", were slow to take 
up and make their own the vices of their white neigh- 
bors.-" 

To the activities of another type of frontiersman, 
the trader, Indian wars were sometimes due. In 
many instances the trader was an individual who 



14 THE SPIRIT LAKE MASSACRE 

was unable to earn an honest living among his white 
neighbors further east: necessity had made of him 
an exile from civilization. These traders secured 
the confidence and good esteem of the Indians in 
various and devious ways, and the latter soon be- 
came indebted to them. In fact their deliberate aim 
in most cases was to secure upon the Indian a lever- 
age of such a character as to render necessary the 
surrender of most of the Indian's profits from the 
chase or treaties. Because of the Indian's profligacy 
it was necessary that he should buy on credit if he 
bought at all. When government pa^nnents became 
due, traders were always on hand, and their books 
invariably showed Indian indebtedness enough to 
absorb a considerable portion if not all of the pay- 
ment. The Indians kept no books as a matter of 
course ; and not understanding those of the traders, 
they could not deny the debt. As a matter of fact, 
the Indians were always willing to anticipate the 
next payment in order to get credit. In the face of 
this situation ' ' the poverty and misery of the Indian 
were continually growing". Again, the Indian could 
not sue in the courts if he had so desired. Out of 
such conditions trouble or bad feeling inevitably 
arose. ^^ 

Owing to their long residence in the Indian coun- 
try and their keen knowledge of Indian character, 
the traders had become ''the power behind the 
throne". This was especially true in treaty-making. 
The Indian commissioners grew to realize the power 



INDIAN WRONGS AND DISCONTENT 15 



of the traders in the securing of treaties and were 
not slow to request their services. It was to the 
financial interest of the traders that treaties should 
be made, for thus there was insured a steady supply 
of money with which the Indians could pay their 
debts. "The commissioners did not do much more 
than feed the Indians and indicate what they wanted ; 
the traders did the rest."-' Due to their influence, 
the government habitually incorporated in treaties a 
clause providing for the compulsory payment of the 
Indian debts to the traders. These debts, in some 
cases, were in the aggregate equivalent to small for- 
tunes. To prevent abuses, the traders were to be 
paid out of the first cash annuities.'' It was not an 
uncommon thing to have these debts absorb even 
more than these first annuities. Hence, the Indian 
had to wait long for his first money. Concerning 
this plan the Indians were not always consulted, but 
the traders expressed their satisfaction. 

In time matters grew so bad and the Indians be- 
came so rebellious that Congress, in March, 1843, 
stipulated by law that no payment of Indian debts to 
traders should henceforth be provided for in treaties. 
But the traders were ingenious and evaded the law.-^ 
Matters came to a crisis in 1853 when the Indians 
rebelled, claiming that by misrepresentation in the 
treaties of Traverse des Sioux and Mendota in 1851 
they had signed away their annuities to the traders 
to the amount of two hundred thousand dollars. In- 
vestigation proved nothing.^" As Superintendent 



16 THE SPIRIT LAKE MASSACRE 

Cullen remarked upon this act of fraud, ' ' it is equal- 
ly important to protect the Indians from the whites 
as the whites from the Indians." It is safe to say 
that if the traders had been curbed in their opera- 
tions many a frontier horror might have been avert- 
ed. It is no wonder that the Indian's '' untutored 
mind was, now^ and then, driven to the distraction of 
savage vengeance ".^^ 



Ill 

THE UNPROTECTED FRONTIER 

While failing to protect the Indians against the 
traders, the government also failed to protect the 
frontier in an adequate manner against the ven- 
geance of the Indians who had a desire to even mat- 
ters. Apparently the government failed to realize 
that as the frontier expanded to the west and north- 
west in Iowa there was also a growing need for pro- 
tection. Many unfortunate incidents had occurred 
along the border before a government surveyor by 
the name of Marsh, from Dubuque, w^as attacked 
near the Des Moines River in 1849." Upon the filing 
of Marsh's complaint, soldiers, dispatched from 
Fort Snelling in Minnesota, established Fort Clarke 
(later renamed Fort Dodge) on August 23, 1850.'' 
The inadequate garrison of this post, numbering two 
officers and sixty-six men, was at this time prac- 
tically the only defense on the northwestern Iowa 
frontier.'* Following the establishment of this fort 
the predatory Sioux bands generally retired west- 
ward ten or twenty miles.'" 

By 1851 the last remaining Sioux lands within the 
limits of Iowa had been ceded and opened to settle- 
ment. Trouble for a time seemed at an end. Until 
that time the only protection against the Indians 

17 



18 THE yPIRIT LAKE MASSACRE 

was the 'Svatchfulness, courage and trusty arms'' 
of the settlers themselves, with the nearest troops 
probably one hundred fifty miles away at Fort Ran- 
dall on the Missouri and Fort Snelling in Minnesota 
near the mouth of the Minnesota River. Occasional 
rumors of Sioux activity still came from the outlying 
settlements. The most definite of these came from 
the valley of the Boyer more than fifty miles to the 
southwest of Fort Dodge. Here a family was at- 
tacked and some of its members carried away as 
prisoners. This was in October, 1852. A detacli- 
ment was sent from Fort Dodge which took and held 
as hostages the Indian leaders, Inkpaduta and Um- 
pashota. Upon the return of the prisoners, the 
Indians were liberated. Other Indian incursions 
reported from the north usually dissipated into mere 
rumors.^" 

The apparent quietness of the Indians in this sec- 
tion induced General Clarke, commanding the Sixtli 
Military Division, to direct tlie abandonment of Fort 
Dodge. This order, which was issued on March 30, 
1853, directed the removal of the g'arrison to Fort 
Ridgely.^^ With the abandonment of the post by 
Major Woods, there were left at Fort Dodge only 
Major Williams, his son James B. Williams, and two 
discharged soldiers. A more ill-advised order could 
scarcely have been issued; for following the actual 
abandonment of the post on June 2, 1853, the Indians 
"inaugurated a reign of terror among the settlers as 
far east as the Cedar river. ' ' ^^ 

Manv settlers in alarm liegan the abandonment of 



THE UNPROTECTED FRONTIER 19 

their homes ; but many others, having staked all in 
tlie development of their claims, decided to remain 
and appeal to both the State and National govern- 
ments for protection. Appeal to the latter availed 
nothing. The Indian authorities at Washington 
were entirely out of touch with the situation : they 
were firm in the belief that the treaties of Traverse 
des Sioux and Mendota had definitely settled the 
question of Indian occupation in this section and 
that the Indians had withdrawn or had ceased being 
troublesome. 

Parties of Indians frequently returned to their 
former hunting grounds, and nearly as frequently 
committed depredations more or less terrorizing to 
the widely scattered settlers along the Des Moines.^^ 
Weary of making unheeded appeals to National 
authorities, while the Indian depredations became 
more alarming, the settlers appealed to the State 
officials. Major William Williams," who had accom- 
panied the troops at the time of the founding of Fort 
Dodge and who had remained after its abandonment, 
was authorized by Governor Hempstead to organize 
a force, if necessary, to protect the frontier." Little, 
however, could be done in the way of organizing an 
adequate force on account of the widely scattered 
character of the settlements. 

In a letter to Grovernor Grimes in 1855 Major Wil- 
liams again expressed his great anxiety for the 
safety of the frontier as the Indians had become 
increasingly bolder. His former commission was 
rene^ved and he was granted full power to act upon 



20 THE SPIRIT LAKE MASSACRE 

any sign of hostility. Not only did Governor Grimes 
receive urgent letters from Major Williams, but 
from others as well: he was beset with petitions 
for protection. The Governor appears to have been 
wholly at a loss as to what course to pursue, since he 
believed he had no power to act. He appealed, 
therefore, to the Commissioner of Indian Affairs at 
Washington — although he believed that his only 
reward would be an acknowledgment of his letters 
with promise of action. Failing here, he appealed to 
the President, but received no response. Finally, in 
apparent despair, he wrote to Secretary of State 
George W. McCleary that he knew not "how much 
credit to give to any of" the letters he had received 
and in fact he had about made up his mind to disbe- 
lieve them all.*^ As a last appeal for action, the 
Governor addressed a letter to the Iowa delegation 
in Congress on January 3, 1855, in which he ex- 
pressed the hope that they would cooperate with him 
in pressing the matter upon the attention of the 
proper Federal officials and in urging badly needed 
relief." 

Not only were the settlers near Fort Dodge 
alarmed, but those in Woodbury, Monona, and Har- 
rison counties were even more disturbed, owing to 
the hostile attitude of large bands of Omahas and 
Otoes in that section. Near Sergeant Bluff large 
bands of Sioux had gathered and expressed their 
determination to remain, while nearly five hundred 
Sioux were encamped in the vicinity of Fort Dodge. 
These Indians amused themselves by stealing hogs, 



THE UNPROTECTED FRONTIER 21 

cattle, and other property of the settlers. Fears for 
the safety of the settlers were increased, in view of 
the fact that the National government was now pre- 
paring to chastise the Sioux near Fort Laramie for 
their manifold crimes committed along the Cali- 
fornia and Oregon trail in Nebraska and Wyoming. 
It was thought this action would cause the Sioux to 
seek refuge east of the Missouri and, as a matter of 
revenge, carry death and destruction with them as 
they tied toward the Mississippi Valley frontier." 

Because the Indians were becoming more threat- 
ening, appearing in larger numbers than heretofore, 
and extending their depredations over an increas- 
ingly wider territory, in the early winter of 1855 
Governor Grimes was asked to call out the militia; 
but he declined since he believed he was ' ' authorized 
to call out a military force only in case of an actual 
insurrection or hostile invasion."*^ Nearly every- 
one now^ anticipated bloodshed. White men, illy dis- 
posed, were reaping large profits from the sale of 
whiskey; while the Indians were '^ becoming devils". 
Hence, Governor Grimes on December 3, 1855, ad- 
dressed a letter to President Pierce urging that the 
Indians be removed to their treaty reserves. 

The Governor pointedly stated that the govern- 
ment owed protection to these settlers in the homes 
it had encouraged them to occupy. He further 
stated that a post in this section would curb the In- 
dians and give quiet to northwestern Iowa." To be 
sure these troubles had not reached any great mag- 
nitude, ''yet there was a continuous succession of 



THE SPIRIT LAKE MASSACRE 



annoying and suspicious occurrences which kept the 
frontier settlements in a state of perpetual dread 
and apprehension, and made life a burden".*^ Even 
in the presence of this distressing condition of af- 
fairs the military authorities of the National gov- 
ernment did nothing to relieve matters. No troops 
were sent to protect the settlers, nor were the letters 
of Governor Grimes even granted consideration. 
Thus there developed slowly but surely a situation 
where the Indians grew sufficiently emboldened to 
make a general attack.^^ 

Such a policy, characterized by a disregard not 
only for Indian welfare but also for the well-])eing of 
the wdiite frontiersmen, could only bring unhappy 
consequences. It became more and more apparent 
that the Indians were bent upon concerted action of 
some sort. Annoyances now occurred along the 
whole frontier, no part of which was free from alarm. 
War parties were in evidence in nearly every sec- 
tion, and the attitude of the Indians became one of 
defiance. Not only in Woodbury, Monona, and Har- 
rison counties, but in Buena Vista and what are now 
Humboldt, Webster, Kossuth, Palo Alto, and Sac 
counties the settlers were feeling the effects of In- 
dian enmity.^^ 

The resentment of the Indians at this time arose 
partly from a feeling of jealousy toward the whites, 
partly from the fact that they were retrograding, 
and partly from the undue influence of the American 
Fur Company. 

From the start the Indians, particularly the Sioux, 



THE UNPROTECTED FROiNTlEK 23 

had been jealous and suspicions of the whites. As 
time passed and the Indian observed indications of 
a general and permanent occupation by the whites 
of the territory which he had known as home, his 
jealous fears increased. The land of his fathers, 
the home of his traditions, was about to pass into the 
hands of another people, to tlie intense sorrow of the 
Indian. It "was a trying- ordeal" and "naturally 
awakened in his breast feelings of bitter regret and 
jealousy."'" His "distrust grew into open protest 
as claims were staked off, cabins built, and the 
ground prepared for cultivation." It seemed that 
the Indians had resolved not to submit "until they 
had entered an armed protest against the justice of 
the claim which civilization makes to all the 
earth. "-^^^ 

In addition to this feeling of jealousy and distrust 
of the whites, the Indians were gradually retrograd- 
ing by taking unto themselves many of the vices of 
the white race. This was the inevitable result of a 
loose administration of the frontier which permitted 
it to be invaded in many places by refugees from civ- 
ilization. Although this statement may seem to be 
somewhat sweeping, it is a well-known fact that 
among the first to appear on the frontier there were 
always some men of the reckless, rough-and-ready 
type whose contempt for the finer things of civilized 
life made a longer residence amid such surroundings 
undesirable and frequently impossible. 

Foremost among the causes of the red man's re- 
trogression may ])e cited whiskey," But there were 



24 THE SPIRIT LAKE MASSACRE 

other causes, such as the treaty of 1855 with the 
Chippewas, which rendered the agent powerless to 
control the Indian or his seducers if he had so de- 
sired."' Then there were the errors committed by 
people who were brought to the frontier by the gov- 
ernment as helpers in advancing the Indian's wel- 
fare, but who had, through mistaken methods, pro- 
duced opposite results. Again, the Indian had been 
mistakenly led downward ' ' by many years of luxuri- 
ous idleness and riotous living .... In this 
state of demoralization they were gathered up and 
thrown together on their little Reserve, where all the 
worst characters could act in concert, and where 
they found bloody w^ork for their idle hands to do." °^ 
The government had liberally supplied them with 
tobacco, and they had never lacked money with 
which to buy whiskey. Their wants had been looked 
after so paternally that they had httle else to do but 
spend their time in idleness. Craving entertainment 
they soon learned to find it in a wrong way. They no 
longer cared to hunt for food, since they did not need 
to do so. Soon their expeditions became mere raids 
upon their protectors, accompanied by unrestrained 
destruction committed to gratify their craving for 
some form of entertainment. Thus, while the forces 
of retrogression were at work the Indian was daily 
becoming more of a menace to the well-disposed bor- 
der settlers who viewed his changing attitude in 
helpless terror. 

But most insidious of all in keeping the Indian 
inimical to his white neighbors was the influence of 
the fur traders — especially those of the American 



THE UNPROTECTED FRONTIER 25 

Fur Company. The admitted purpose of this or- 
ganization was to keep the Indian a savage hunter 
and at the same time to frighten the white settlers 
away from the frontier in order that the annual crop 
of cheaply obtained but valuable furs might not suf- 
fer diminution. To keep the Indian in such a condi- 
tion it was necessary to prevent him from assuming 
too friendly an attitude toward the whites — in order 
that he might the better beat back or discourage their 
westward advance. There were strong suspicions 
that more than one attack upon border settlers by 
Indians occurred l3ecause the presence of these set- 
tlers threatened the fur-gathering preserves of the 
American Fur Company. 

It would be wrong, however, to create the impres- 
sion that the fur traders operated in secret. Practi- 
cally everyone knew their purpose and methods : their 
purposes they openly admitted, and their methods 
consisted largely in dispensing '^fire water" and in 
selling to the Indian on credit. The latter practice 
was useful, for it obligated the Indian to serve the 
Company in realizing its ends. Perhaps the most 
notable example of the Company's interference with 
plans of Indian amelioration is to be found in the 
case of the Winnebagoes. Their agent, Joseph M. 
Street, one of the most enlightened Indian agents the 
Iowa country ever knew, had for some years been 
striving to improve the condition of the Winneba- 
goes, but without success. He had failed, not because 
his plan was impracticable, but because he came into 
direct conflict with the purposes and methods of the 
American Fur Company."^ 



IV 

THE GRINDSTONE WAR AND THE DEATH 
OF SIDOMINADOTA 

The strained relations between the whites and the 
Indians resulted in unfortunate incidents which 
served to intensify the bad feeling already engen- 
dered. Of these, two may be noted as especially 
significant in the frontier history of northwestern 
Iowa. Thus, in 1854 and 1855, the so-called ''Grind- 
stone War" caused the whites to abandon the fron- 
tier for a time and spread alarm far and near. This 
incident might properly be said to have had its ori- 
gin in intertribal hatred. 

For some time a group of Winnebago families had 
been accustomed to camp near Clear Lake. In this 
they had been encouraged by an old Indian trader 
by the name of Hewett. At the same time there also 
encamped among these Winnebagoes some Sac and 
Fox Indians who for years, in the Iowa country, had 
been the greatest enemies of the Sioux. Wlien the 
latter became aware of the presence of these Sacs 
and Foxes among the Winnebagoes they swooped 
down upon them and by mistake scalped a Winne- 
bago. Greatly alarmed, Hewett and his Indian 
friends fled down the valley, telling their story, 
which appears to have suffered somewhat from rep- 

26 



DEATH OF SIDOMINADOTA 27 

etition as they proceeded. Within a brief time about 
one hundred armed settlers collected at Masonic 
Grove. According to some reports, about four hun- 
dred Sioux warriors fortified themselves some 
twelve miles distant.'" Thus matters remained dur- 
ing 1854 with no action from either party. 

As time passed the Sioux became bolder, until 
matters reached a climax in an incident which oc- 
curred near Lime Creek. A settler, James Dicker- 
son by name, possessed an unusually fine rooster 
which was craved by a begging band of Indians. In 
chasing the rooster, a young brave upset and demol- 
ished a grindstone, and then made off with the lar- 
gest piece in continued pursuit of the fowl. Dicker- 
son pursued the Indian and, seizing a piece of the 
grindstone, knocked him to the ground, where he lay 
for a time insensible. The Indians, enraged at Dick- 
erson's act, demanded a settlement for the injury to 
the brave, making it plain that only Dickerson's best 
horse or one hundred dollars in money would satisfy 
them. After no little parleying, in which Mrs. Dick- 
erson acted as mediator, the Indians were pacified 
when Mrs. Dickerson had given them about six dol- 
lars in money, a number of quilts, and many other 
articles of household use. 

This "grindstone incident" caused the settlers to 
become greatly alarmed : men from Clear Lake, the 
Mason City settlement, and vicinity organized and 
undertook to drive the Indians out of the country. 
After a chase of some miles, the band of over twen- 
tv-five white men came in sight of the rapidly fleeing 



28 THE SPIRIT LAKE MASSACRE 

Indians, who, realizing that they would soon be sur- 
rounded and punished, sig-nified a desire to settle 
matters. Following an interchange of protests, the 
peace pipe was smoked, after which the Indians re- 
sumed their way westward. This understanding, 
however, did not allay the fears of the settlers who 
fled panic-stricken to Nora Springs, abandoning for 
a time their claims in the vicinity of Lime Creek and 
Clear Lake." 

However ready the Indians may have seemed to 
make peace, the settlers feared for the future; and 
so along the line of settlements they spread the 
alarm that the Indians were on the warpath. Many 
appeals were made to Governor Hempstead for aid. 
But when he sent Major William Williams from 
Fort Dodge to investigate the charges, the Major 
reported that no danger from further attacks 
seemed to exist. Unable to secure State protection, 
the settlers armed themselves. Doubtless the "grind- 
stone incident" soon ceased to impress the settlers 
mtli any permanent sense of impending danger, for 
it w^as not long before they began to return to their 
deserted claims. 

But not far from the scene of this near tragedy 
there occurred another incident which displays the 
temper not alone of the Indian but also of the white 
borderer of the more troublesome type. It appears 
that this tragic event grew to undue proportions 
mainly through the vengeful hate of a frontiersman 
by the name of Lott. The incident, somewhat trivial 
in itself, has been given so much prominence as a re- 



DEATH OF SIDOMINADOTA 29 

puted chief cause of the niassaei-e at Okohoji that it 
is deemed worthy of somewhat extended notice in 
this place/'' Its connection with later events may 
well be a matter of conjecture, owing to the charac- 
ter of the Indians concerned. 

For nearly a decade after the whites had begun 
to settle in northwestern Iowa the inhabitants of 
that region had been obliged to endure constant mo- 
lestation from a roving band of Sisseton Sioux In- 
dians.''" Though at first composed of only about five 
lodges — mainly, it is said, of desperadoes and mur- 
derers—the band had grown by the gathering of 
like characters, fleeing from their avenging fellow- 
tribesmen, until it numbered at times nearly five 
hundred. ''° The band as a whole only assembled from 
time to time for the purpose of united warfare 
against others — particularly against isolated bands 
of the Sac and Fox Indians.*'' It was known and 
feared from the Des Moines westward to the Ver- 
million and northward to the Minnesota River on 
account of its peculiarly ferocious and quarrelsome 
character. It was, in short, a band of Indian out- 
laws. As such, it was hated and feared by red men 
and white men alike. In its forays it spared neither 
friend nor foe, but preyed upon both without dis- 
crimination. It claimed no home, but roamed at will 
wherever its fancy might lead. 

Leadership of this band had been early acquired 
by one Sidominadota or "Two Fingers". He had 
succeeded to the leadership of this loosely consoli- 



30 THE SPIRIT LAKE MASSACRE 

dated band upon the death of Wamdisapa, an Indian 
of somewhat milder disposition than his successor. 
Sidominadota well maintained the savage character 
of the band and may be credited with the inspiration 
of many vengeful and frightful deeds committed 
during his brief leadership.*'- He was only nominally 
the head of the united group, while really the leader 
of a small band seldom numbering more than fifteen 
and frequently less. By all who had to deal with 
him, red or white, he was looked upon with distrust. 
His fellow leaders associated with him only in time 
of dire necessity, for they well knew that Sidomina- 
dota would go any lengths to accomplish an end. 
While he continued to make his refuge and head- 
quarters along the Vermillion, as did his predeces- 
sors, his favorite haunts were the headwaters of the 
Des Moines and Little Sioux Rivers and the region 
of the Iowa lakes.''' 

About 1847 Sidominadota began to frequent that 
portion of the Des Moines Valley where Fort Dodge 
now stands. It was his band that in 1849 attacked a 
party of surveyors in charge of a man by the name 
of Marsh about three miles from the present site of 
Fort Dodge. Marsh and his party had been sent 
from Dubuque to run a correction line across the 
State. After crossing to the west side of the Des 
Moines River, they were notified by Sidominadota 
not to proceed with their work as this territory was 
Indian land. "With the departure of the Indians, 
the surveyors continued to run their line. In a short 
time the Indians returned, destroved the instru- 



DEATH OF SIDOMINADOTA 31 

ments and landmarks of the surveyors, stole their 
horses, and drove the men back across the Des 
Moines/'* Abont a year later some settlers, more 
adventurous than their fellows, located near the 
month of the Boone River. Sidominadota, becoming 
aware of the arrival of these settlers, paid them a 
visit and ended by destroying their cabins and driv- 
ing the people out of the country. This sort of be- 
havior was continued toward every white man who 
ventured into that territory until the founding of 
Fort Dodge in 1850. 

"Among others who had received indignities 
from this band was one Henry Lott .... who 
in 1846 settled near the mouth of Boone River in 
Webster County.""' Lott's past had been a varied 
one and much of it was obscure. He boasted of New 
England origin, while his wife claimed to be a daugh- 
ter of an early Governor of Ohio or Pennsylvania. 
If, however, we are to accept the judgment of their 
contemporaries the family had degenerated.''*^ Lott 
is almost always described as being notorioush' law- 
less, a horse thief, a vender of bad whiskey, a crim- 
inal, half-civilized, a desperado, an outlaw, and a 
murderer."^ Up to the time he appeared in the val- 
ley of the Des Moines his whole life had been one of 
adventure. 

His first appearance in Iowa, so far as known, was 
at Red Rock, Marion County, in 1845, where he 
essayed the role of Indian trader while dealing out 
bad wdiiskey to the Indians and surreptitiously steal- 
ing their ponies. It is said that his Red Rock neigh- 



32 THE SPIRIT LAIvE .AI ASS ACRE 

bors in 1846 requested him to leave the neighbor- 
hood — which he did by moving on to Pea's Point. 
Here his stay seems to liave been brief, for during 
the same year he is found located on the Des Moines 
River near the mouth of the Boone, where he erected 
a cabin and resumed his whiskey-selling and horse- 
stealing.^'* 

Lott's horse-stealing activities caused the Indians 
to grow suspicious ; and finally they traced the loss 
of five ponies directly to him and his fellow maraud- 
ers. This led to an Indian council which decided that 
Lott should be driven out of the country. Accord- 
ingly he was waited upon by Sidominadota and 
warned ' ' that he was an intruder ; that he had settled 
on the Sioux hunting grounds"; and that he was 
expected to get off at once. Lott contended that he 
was not an intruder and refused to go. The Indians 
then began the destruction of his property: his 
horses and cattle were shot, his bee-hives rifled, 
and his family threatened. Lott seems to have been 
something of a coward, for when the Indians began 
taking summary action he fled. While the Indians 
were destroying or stealing his property and abusing 
the helpless members of his family he, according to 
his own story, crossed the river and secreted him- 
self in the brush. Later he and his stepson, leaving 
his wife and young children to the mercy of the In- 
dians, fled down the Des Moines River to Pea's 
Point, a short distance south of the present site of 
Boone. 

Here Lott related his story to John Pea and others 



DEATH OF SIDOMINADOTA 33 

of the settlement. Aroused by his tale, the settlers 
org-anized a relief party to return to his cabin and 
if possible to punish the Indians. An appeal for 
more help was sent to Elk Kapids, sixteen miles 
away. At this point lived Ghemeuse or "Johnny 
Green", a half-breed Pottawattamie and Mns(]uakie 
chief, with many of his people who traditionally 
hated the Sioux. The chief with twenty-six of his 
men and seven settlers from Pea's Point went to 
Lott's assistance. It was past the middle of Decem- 
ber, and the weather was intensely cold. After 
Lott's flight from his cabin, his twelve-year-old son, 
Milton, had started in search of his father, but when 
about twenty miles from his home and three miles 
from Boonesboro had frozen to death.*''' The relief 
party, on December 18, 1846, found the dead body of 
the boy a short distance below^ the village of Center- 
ville. After ])urying the body on the spot where it 
was found, the party continued on its way to Lott's 
cabin. When they arrived they found that the In- 
dians had gone. The family was safe, though suf- 
fering and destitute as they had been robbed of 
everything. The wife, however, had been so mis- 
treated and had suffered so extremely from expo- 
sure that she died a short time thereafter. "'' 

Vowing vengeance, Lott moved south to the settle- 
ments and built a second cabin.'' Here and at other 
points in the vicinity he remained a few years, ac- 
cording to all accounts, and bided his time in true 
frontier style. In the autumn of 1853 he and his 
stepson passed through Fort Dodge on their way to 



34 THE SPIRIT LAKE MASSACRE 

settle at a new location. In early November he selec- 
ted a site for his cabin about thirty miles north of 
Fort Dodge, in Humboldt County, at a point where 
a small creek joins the Des Moines River. This 
creek has since been named Lott's Creek in honor of 
the first white settler in that vicinity." With three 
barrels of bad whiskey, he re-opened trade with the 
Indians. And the trade was good; for at this time 
there was only one cabin, other than his own, north 
of Fort Dodge — the cabin of William Miller which 
was located six miles from Fort Dodge. 

In January following Lott's new settling, Sido- 
minadota and his family — which was composed of 
his squaw, mother, four children, and two orphan 
children — came up the Des Moines and encamped 
on ** Bloody Run", a short distance below the mouth 
of Lott's Creek. Aware of the coming of the old 
chief, Lott plotted his destruction. Going to the 
lodge of Sidominadota, where he perceived that he 
was not recognized, Lott reported the presence of a 
large drove of elk feeding on the Des Moines bottom 
at a point since known as the "Big Bend"." The 
chief's family being in sore need of food, the Indian 
was easily trapped by the ruse. Sidominadota, hav- 
ing been liberally treated to whiskey, mounted his 
pony and set out for the hunt; while Lott and his 
stepson followed. When a safe distance away from 
the Indian camp and beyond earshot, Lott and his 
stepson fired upon the Indian, killing him out- 
right. Secreting themselves during the day, the 
murderers, at the coming of darkness, disguised 



DEATH OF SIDOMTNADOTA 



themselves as Indians, returned to the lodge of the 
murdered Indian, raised a terrific war cry for pur- 
poses of deception, and then surprised and killed all 
the members of the family except a boy of twelve 
and a girl of ten years who escaped under cover of 
darkness.'* 

Completing the work of destruction, Lott returned 
to his own cabin, burned it to make the whole affair 
appear the work of Indians, and in the company of 
his stepson fled down the Des Moines Valley. Some 
years later a report came back to Iowa that he had 
made his way to California and had there been 
lynched by a vigilance committee." 

Something more than a week after the murder of 
Sidominadota and his family a band of Indians from 
a camp on the Lizard Creek, while hunting in the 
vicinity of the mouth of "Bloody Run", discovered 
what had taken place. They reported the fact not 
only to Fort Ridgely but also to Major Williams at 
Fort Dodge, demanding an investigation and the 
righting of the wrong as far as possible. Major 
Williams at once raised a company of w^hites and In- 
dians and set out in an attempt to locate the mur- 
derers, but to no avail. The Indians were firm in 
their conviction that Lott had committed the deed. 
A coroner's jury under the direction of Coroner 
John Johns met at Homer, the county seat of Web- 
ster County, and placed the guilt upon Lott and his 
stepson. But no very great effort was or could be 
made by the authorities to secure the offenders, 
owing to the start of ten days which they had se- 



36 THE SPIRIT LAKE MASSACRE 

cured. Later they were indicted by a grand jury 
sitting in Des Moines, which ended the attempt to 
find and punish them.''' The Indians were highly 
incensed not only at the murder itself, but at the ap- 
parent inaction of the authorities in apprehending 
and punishing the murderers. 

Many reports became current as to the final dis- 
position of the dead chief's body after it had been 
taken to Homer for the inquest. These reports only 
added to the embitterment of the Indians, who had 
expected much from the inquest, having been told 
that this would settle matters. That the inquest 
took somewhat the form of a farce was due to the 
attitude of the prosecuting attorney of Hamilton 
County, Grranville Berkley, who humorously con- 
ducted the affair. 

Fearing later unpleasant results, the whites at- 
tempted to pacify the Indians with many promises. 
But the Indians grew sullen and suspicious and be- 
haved in such a manner as to create the impression 
that they might retaliate. It soon became evident 
that the authorities had no intention of keeping their 
promises. The Indians after some threatening seem 
to have disappeared.^^ One can understand how 
such incidents, coupled with past grievances, ''real 
or only imaginary", might in the end lead to desper- 
ate deeds. 



THE FRONTIER AND THE WINTER OF 1856- 

1857 

With the Indians in a most unhappy and vengeful 
state of mind the Traverse des Sioux Treaty lands 
were thrown open for settlement in 1853. For sev- 
eral years people had settled along the border of 
this territory patiently awaiting the opening. Assur- 
ances were given the settlers that the Sioux were all 
established upon their reserve seventy miles north 
of Iowa's northern boundary. With these assuran- 
ces of safety, the settlers rapidly pushed to the west- 
ward of the Des Moines River which hitherto had 
been the farthest limit of their movement. 

The line of frontier settlements by 1857 extended 
in a semi-circle from Sioux City to Fort Dodge as a 
center and thence to or near Springfield (now Jack- 
son) in Minnesota." Only a brief time served to 
destroy this line as the settlers moved westward in 
search of the choicest claims. Before discussing the 
events which were soon to transpire it will be well 
to note the outward movement of this frontier to 
the northwest. The effect upon the Indians of 
the sudden outward bulging of the line was little 
short of maddening, as they felt themselves being 
swept onward by a tide they could not stem. AU of 

37 



38 THE SPIRIT LAKE MASSACRE 

their illy concealed hatred of the whites now bade 
fair to be loosed, while all past wrongs seemed about 
to be avenged. 

Times were now "flush" and the tide of emigra- 
tion ''swept across the state with an impetus that 
carried everything before it. ' ' ^® During the summer 
of 1855 "land-hunters, claim seekers and explor- 
ers" steadily flowed into northwestern Iowa. At 
this time little more was done by many of the settlers 
than to make temporary improvements, after which 
they returned eastward planning to take up perma- 
nent possession in the following summer.®" 

The main arteries for this westward movement 
were the Little Sioux and the Des Moines. From 
Fort Dodge the wave spread out in fan-shape to the 
furthermost limits of the frontier. The lines of the 
movement were in the main determined by two facts : 
Fort Dodge had been established as a United States 
land office for the territory west and north, and Liz- 
ard Creek made that region readily accessible to 
settlers. Up the Des Moines, settlers had pushed to 
the point where Jackson, Minnesota, now stands. 
Many had stopped at occasional points along the 
Des Moines and made permanent settlements. Near 
the present site of Algona, in 1854, two brothers, Asa 
C. Call and Ambrose A. Call, made "the first settle- 
ment on either branch of the Des Moines above the 
forks. "^^ To the west of Algona at Medium Lake 
was the "Irish Colony" — a group of five or six fam- 
ilies of Irish extraction from Kane County, Illinois. 
This settlement has become the Emmetsburg of to- 



FRONTIER AND WINTER OF 1850-1857 39 

day.'- George Granger had staked out and settled 
upon a claim in Emmet County just south of the 
State line, and beyond this was Springfield, Minne- 
sota, with six families. Thus a line of isolated set- 
tlements extended up the Des Moines Valley from 
Fort Dodge to Springfield. 

To the northwest of Fort Dodge the incoming set- 
tlers moved up the course of Lizard Creek, which 
they followed to its beginning. Thence they crossed 
to the Little Sioux and settled near Sioux Rapids and 
Peterson. Near the latter place in the midwinter of 
1855-1856 had come J. A. Kirchner and Jacob Kirch- 
ner, in company with Ambrose S. Mead. They did 
nothing at this time but select claims and return to 
Cedar Falls, from whence they returned in the early 
spring. After putting in his crops J. A. Kirchner 
had returned to New York. About the time of his 
departure, James Bieknell with his family and two 
men by the name of Wilcox also arrived at the little 
settlement in Clay County. Up the Little Sioux to 
the north were about six families at what became 
known as Gillett's Grove.'^ In the early spring of 
1856 the Hon. WiUiam Freeborn of Red Wing, Min- 
nesota, and others projected a settlement at Spirit 
Lake. Their first attempt had not met with mucli 
success, and they now awaited the coming of the 
spring of 1857 to renew the attempt.^* In the late 
summer of 1856 about forty people had settled along 
the shores of Lake Okoboji and Spirit Lake. 

Following the orig-inal movement up Lizard Creek 
and the Des Moines River, settlers had begun push- 



40 THE SPIRIT LAKE MASSACRE 

iiig up the course of the Little Sioux from the Mis- 
souri River to a later junction with those coming by 
way of Lizard Creek to Sioux Rapids and beyond. 
This movement was marked by an initial settlement 
at the present site of Smithland, Woodbury County, 
in about 1851 by a group of three apostate Mormons 
from Kanesville." In the spring of 1856 the Milf ord, 
Massachusetts, Emigration Company had founded 
a colony of about twelve families near Pilot Rock 
in Cherokee County/'' The site chosen was a little 
north of the present city of Cherokee. Nearly ten 
miles above this point was a second settlement. To 
the northeast of these, in Buena Vista County, was 
the Weaver family at Barnes's Grove. Above this 
in O'Brien County was H. H. Waterman, at Water- 
man, who could boast of being the only white man 
within the confines of that county. Further up the 
Little Sioux, in the southwestern corner of Clay 
County, were the families of Mead, Kirchner, and 
Taylor.'" 

This stretch of settlements outlined the extreme 
limits of the frontier. To the west there were no 
settlers; while to the north and northeast the near- 
est settlements were those on the Minnesota and 
Watonwan rivers. ^^ Although on ceded ground, all 
of these settlements w^ere in the heart of the Indian 
country, where the passing of Indian bands was not 
uncommon. All were separated from each other by 
vast stretches of prairie, and frequently the settlers 
of one place were wholly unaware of the presence 



FRONTIER AND WINTF.R OF 1856-18:)7 41 

of aiiy other white people in tlie region. Their com- 
plete isolation from each other and consequent help- 
lessness in case of Indian attacks were probahly best 
known by the Indians who not infrequently visited 
them. This isolation appears the more complete 
when it is recalled that the nearest railroad station 
in Iowa at that time was Iowa City — over two hun- 
dred miles away. 

By 1857, therefore, the northwestern frontier may 
be described as "commencing- at Sioux City and ex- 
tending irregularly in a northeasterly direction, by 
way of Correctionville, Cherokee, Waterman, Peter- 
son, Sioux Rapids, Gillett's Grove and Okoboji, to 
Spirit Lake ; thence turning abruptly to the east by 
way of Estherville and Emmet to the headwaters of 
the Des Moines and Blue Earth Rivers, where it ex- 
tended into Minnesota, terminating at Mankato.'""^ 

Thus was the meeting-ground of the Indians and 
the white settlers rather roughly demarked when the 
winter of 1856-1857 began. Although the fertility 
of its soil had not been doubted and its great natural 
beauty and attractiveness as a region of l)oundless 
prairies had never been disputed, the northwest had 
acquired a reputation of climatic extremes — of hot 
summei's and cold winters. This partly accounted 
for the fact that many settlers delayed their perma- 
nent coming to the region until they were amply 
prepared for the vicissitudes of climate which they 
must endure in their new homes. Glo\ving reports 
had brought the region into general notice, and by 



42 THE SPIRIT LAKE MASSACRE 

the fall of 1856 many people to the east were pre- 
paring to migrate to this wonderful country in the 
not distant future. 

"The winter of 1856-7 set in with a fury, steadi- 
ness and severity, which make it a land-mark in the 
experience of every person"^'* who passed through 
it. The storms came early in November, and for 
weeks northwestern Iowa witnessed nothing but a 
succession of terrific blizzards, accompanied by the 
most intense cold. By December 1, 1856, the snow 
was three feet deep on the level and from fifteen to 
twenty in the ravines and other low places. Com- 
munication of settlement with settlement was well- 
nigh impossible. The scattered settlers were illy 
prepared for such a winter: their cabins were un- 
finished and generally without floors, as all lumber 
had to be hauled a distance of more than one hun- 
dred miles. Most of the settlers had planted no 
crops during the preceding growing season; hence 
provisions were scarce and could only be obtained 
by the use of snowshoes and hand sleds. Wild game 
was nowhere to be had, for it had either migrated 
before the oncoming storms or perished in the snow. 

As the season progressed the intensity of the cold 
also increased; while heaw wind-driven snows con- 
tinued to fall at frequent intervals. The prairies 
became bleak andliarren snow-covered wastes, lashed 
by terrific winds and untenanted by man or beast. 
The closing of February and the opening of March 
^vitnessed no abatement in the severity of the win- 
ter. The snow which had been falling the whole 



FRONTIER AND AVINTER OF 1856-1857 43 

winter long yet remained on the ground. Indeed, 
the season was so prolonged that it is said spring 
came only in late April, while May and June were 
cold. In July great banks of snow were yet to be 
seen in some of the sheltered places.^' 

Although the white settlers suffered considerably 
from self-imposed denial of food and from unsuit- 
able houses in which to shelter themselves, their 
privations could not compare with those of the In- 
dians. In Dakota, which was their winter home, 
they suffered terribly. Their game was gone — 
where they did not know. Nor were they able to 
follow it if they had known. As the winds swept 
over the prairies of Dakota and sharply penetrated 
the thickets wherein they lodged, their desperation 
grew apace. At last, in the closing days of Febru- 
ary, the intense sutTering from cold and famine 
could be endured no longer and they sallied forth. 
The course of their march spread out to the east, 
the north, and the south, and took them to the white 
settlements along the loAva and Minnesota frontiers 
where they sought and took both food and shelter.^' 



VI 
OKOBOJI AND SPRINGFIELD IN MARCH 1857 

Of the settlements made or projected in north- 
western Iowa previous to 1857, those having pre- 
eminent interest in this connection were along the 
shores of Lake Okoboji and Spirit Lake in Dickinson 
County. Although this lake region had been visited 
many times in the spring and summer of 1855, no 
settlements had been made at that time. The visi- 
tors had simply planned to return as soon as ar- 
rangements for permanent occupancy could be per- 
fected. They had been attracted thither by the tales 
told by Indians and traders concerning the great 
natural beauty of the region. 

For some time the lake region had been well-known 
to the traders and voyageurs of the upper Missis- 
sippi Valley, and their tales concerning it were all 
favorable. The French interpreter of the Lewis and 
Clark expedition wrote so clearly of the region as 
to leave no doubt as to his having been there. He 
it was who first wrote of the Lac D' Esprit, mention- 
ing it for its great natural beauty of location and as 
being the chief seat of one of the Dakotan tribes. 
Hunters, traders, trappers, and adventurers visited 
the region frequently thereafter, but left only oral 
accounts as to its character and worth. The same 
44 



OKOBOJI IN I\IARCII 1857 45 

region was visited in the snmmer of 1838 by Nicollet 
and eJolin C. Fremont, who made observations as to 
elevation, latitude, and longitude. It was following 
this official visit that white frontiersmen began to 
frequent the locality. 

All reports of the region indicated it was the fav- 
ored home of the Wahpekuta Yankton Sioux. Spirit 
Lake especially was believed by this tribe to be the 
scene of various myths and legends intimately con- 
nected with the origin and life of the tribe. It was 
reputed to be always under the watchful care of the 
Great Spirit whose presence therein was clearly evi- 
denced by the lake's turbulent waters which were 
never at rest. It was this suggestion of the super- 
natural — a sort of mystic veil surrounding the 
region — that led many people to visit it. Some 
came only to view the lake and, having done so, de- 
parted to add perhaps one more legendary tale to 
the volume of its romance. Practically every visitor 
enlarged upon the great charms of the groves of 
natural timber bordering its shores. 

But in nearly all of the accounts and tales of the 
region there was persistent confusion with, regard 
to the several bodies of water. The Indians had 
ahvays plainly distinguished at least three lakes; 
while reports by white men as persistently spoke of 
only one. The Indians knew of Okoboji, ''the place 
of rest", of Minnetonka, ''the great water", and of 
Minnewaukon, "the lake of demons or spirits" or 
Lac D'E sprit or Spirit Lake as it is known to-day. 
It is the first of these, Lake Okoboji, with which this 



4G THE SPIRIT LAKE MASSACRE 

narrative is primarily concerned. Upon its borders 
the first permanent white settlers built their cabins 
and staked their claims; and here was perpetrated 
the awful tragedy which has come to be known as the 
Spirit Lake Massacre. 

The lakes, lying closely together as a group, oc- 
cupy a large portion of the townships of Spirit Lake, 
Center Grove, and Lakeville. The northernmost and 
somewhat the largest of the group is Spirit Lake, 
which is about ten square miles in area. The nor- 
thern shore of this lake touches upon or extends into 
Minnesota along practically the whole of its course. 
To the south, not connected at this time, and extend- 
ing in a narrowed, almost tortuous course, stretches 
East Okoboji for a distance of over six miles. At no 
point is East Okoboji much over three-quarters of a 
mile in width. West Okoboji lies to the west of its 
companion and is connected with it by a narrow 
strait a few yards in width. The west lake stretch- 
es to the west and north, circling in a segment of a 
circle nearly halfway back to the north and east 
to Spirit Lake. Li length it is about the same as the 
east lake, although its width is over four times as 
great at one point. Issuing from the southernmost 
bay of East Okoboji is the outlet stream, which at a 
distance of six miles from its source effects a junc- 
tion with the main stream of the Little Sioux. 

The shores of the Okoboji lakes are in the main 
well wooded, while those of Spirit Lake have only 
occasional clumps of trees. Along the shores of the 
latter prairie and water usually meet without inter- 



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l,Akh KLUIO.X: TJIK bCEXE OF THE SPIRIT LAKE MASSACRE 



OKOBOJI IN MARCH 1857 47 

ruption hj bands of timber. In some respects the 
Okobojis present a reasonably good reproduction of 
the smaller lakes of southern New York and New- 
England. Thus easterners felt that here could be 
reproduced the familiar scenes of "back home". Al- 
though the attractiveness of the place was widely 
known, no one had settled in the region before the 
middle of the century. The vanguard of the per- 
manent settlers came on July 16, 1856, with the ar- 
rival of Rowland Gardner and his family. 

Rowland Gardner was a native of Connecticut, 
having been born in New Haven in 1815. Here he 
spent his boyhood years and learned the trade of 
comb-maker. Growing tired of life in New Haven 
he migrated to Seneca, New York, where he resumed 
his trade. At the occupation of comb-maker he had 
been able to accumulate some three thousand dol- 
lars, which, for the time, was considered rather a 
comfortable little fortune.^' On March 22, 1836, he 
married Frances M. Smith, and four children, Mary, 
Eliza, Abigail, and Rowland, were born while the 
family lived at Seneca. Abigail, the youngest daugh- 
ter who is to figure so largely in the story of the 
Spirit Lake Massacre, was born in 1843. Later the 
father abandoned the trade of comb-maker and 
turned to that of sawyer. This change in occupa- 
tion did not come, however, until the family had 
again moved — this time to Greenwood, New York. 
Again, in 1850, they removed to the near-by town of 
Rexville. 

But Gardner had a love for roaming that could 



48 THE SPIRIT LAKE MASSACRE 

not be satisfied by short moves; and so it was not 
long- before lie left Rexville for Ohio. His first stop 
in that State was at Edyington, where he opened a 
boarding house. His next resolve was to go to the 
then Far West. Thus, in the spring of 1854 he made 
his way with his family to Shell Rock, lowa.^* Here 
the family spent their first winter in the West and 
suffered much from the change of climate. Shell 
Bock, however, was only a temporary stopping place, 
for Gardner had no thought of settling short of the 
farthest bounds of the frontier. 

In the early spring of 1855 Gardner, in company 
with his son-in-law, Harvey Luce, made a rather 
extensive prospecting tour to the west and north. 
He seems to have decided to settle, for a time at 
least, at Clear Lake; for a little later we find him 
and Luce with their united families moving up the 
Shell Rock Valley to Nora Springs and thence across 
the prairie to Clear Lake. This journey consumed 
the greater portion of April and early May. Set- 
tling too late to plant crops that season, the families 
could not look forward to a very comfortable year. 

Gardner and Luce decided upon Clear Lake for 
the same reason that later led them to settle at Lake 
Okoboji. To a New Englander accustomed to the 
lakes and streams of his native parts, Clear Lake with 
its waters and groves made a strong appeal — one 
that could not readily be resisted. Open prairies 
seemed to be "the abomination of desolation" itself. 
The Mason City settlement on Lime Creek was 
thought of, but the natural advantages of Clear Lake 



OKOBOJI IN MARCH 1857 49 

outweighed any inclination in that direction. At this 
time Mason City was little more than a station on 
the westward trail: it consisted of only three or 
four houses on the open, wind-swept prairie. 

It was while the Gardner family was living at 
Clear Lake that there occurred the so-called "Grind- 
stone War", in which indeed they were active par- 
ticipants. After the scare had spent its force, Gard- 
ner again grew uneasy; and, having heard of the 
attractiveness of the lake region farther to the west 
along the frontier, he became anxious to settle there. 
Thus, scarcely had they harvested a first crop when 
the Gardners were once more en route to the west- 
ward. The small returns from the sale of the claim 
at Clear Lake were invested in some oxen, cows, 
and young cattle.^^ 

To the homeseeker the lake region was regarded 
as a ''promised land". This was largely due to its 
natural beauties as well as to the very great abun- 
dance of fish in the lake waters and the plenitude of 
wild game in the groves along its shores. Many 
claim seekers had visited the region previous to July, 
1856, but no claims had been staked out. The Gard- 
ners found no settlers at the time of their arrival."" 
In fact no settlers had been seen by them since leav- 
ing the claim of the Call brothers near the present 
site of Algona. 

The journey from Clear Lake had been an arduous 
one, having been made with ox teams hitched to 
heavy, cumbrous carts into which had been loaded 
not only the familv but the household goods and the 



50 THE SPIRIT LAKE MASSACRE 

farming implements as well as the food supply. Thus 
burdened the oxen could make only slow progress 
even under the most favorable conditions. Further- 
more, it seems that the Iowa plains had suffered 
from an over-abundance of rain that summer : num- 
berless quagmires were encountered; while many 
streams could hardly be forded on account of their 
swollen condition. Added to these conditions was 
the uncertainty of the route — due to lack of know- 
ledge of the country. Many a time it was necessary 
to unload and carry articles of freight over difficult 
places. Enduring these trials with the fortitude of 
well-tried pioneers they steadily pushed on. Upon 
July 16th they came to the southeastern shores of 
West Okoboji; and here they rested, for they were at 
their journey's end. 

Since leaving New York the Gardner family had 
been augmented by a union with the family of Har- 
vey Luce. The latter had planned from the first to 
unite his fortunes with those of the Gardners, but 
had been unable to do so at the time of their leaving 
New York. Luce had married Mary, the eldest of 
the Gardner girls; and at the time of their arrival 
at Lake Okoboji, the family numbered two children, 
Albert aged four and Amanda aged one.''^ The 
Gardner-Luce party was thus composed of nine 
persons at the time of its arrival. 

Luce and Gardner did not settle at once: while 
the families tented, the men spent several days in 
a careful survey of the lake shores and the surround- 
ing prairie region, the better to determine a suitable 



OKOBOJI IN MARCH 1857 51 

site. Since the lake region was to be the place of 
their permanent settlement they desired to make a 
careful selection of lands. 

In the end it was decided to build cabins upon the 
southeastern shore of the west lake. The location 
selected was several rods southeast of what is now 
Pillsbury's Point upon the high, oak-wooded ridge 
which terminated in that point of land. The site 
was ideal. To the north and northwest the outlook 
presented a sweeping view of the lake ; while to the 
south there was as fair a prospect of prairie land as 
any country could afford. No better selection for a 
home could have been made. The erection of a log 
cabin for the Gardners was begun at once. Front- 
ing south, this cabin was for its time rather preten- 
tious, since it was one and one-half stories high. 

The season being far too advanced for the plant- 
ing of crops little could be done besides preparing 
the land for the next year. This was accomplished 
by breaking some of the prairie sod. In addition 
hay was made as feed for the oxen and other cattle 
during the long winter season. The making of the 
hay was largely carried through by Mrs. Gardner 
and her children, including Mrs. Luce; while Gard- 
ner and Luce pushed ahead with the building of the 
cabins in order to afford protection for all as soon 
as possible. Shelter was also provided for the 
cattle. By the time this had been done, the season 
was so far advanced that, though the Luce cabin had 
been begun, its completion had to be postponed until 
the return of favorable weather in the coming year. 



THE SPIRIT LAKE MASSACRE 



Thus it came about that the Luces took up their 
abode with the Gardners for the winter wiiich was 
now upon them.^^ 

While out prospecting for claim sites in the two or 
three days following their arrival, Luce and Gard- 
ner heard a report of fire-arms and upon tracing it 
to its source found that other settlers had just ar- 
rived in the vicinity. The camp of the new arrivals 
was in process of being pitched on the shore of the 
west lake near the strait connecting the two Oko- 
bojis. The party was composed of Carl and William 
Granger, Bertell E. Snyder, and Dr. Isaac H. Har- 
riott. They had come to the lake region for the pur- 
pose of examining the country with a view to future 
settlement. ^^ Having completed their reconnais- 
sance, the members of the party were preparing to 
spend some time in the neighborhood hunting and 
fishing. 

These newcomers came to be so well pleased with 
the advantages of the region that they finally re- 
solved to spend the winter here and possibly make a 
permanent settlement. After reaching this conclu- 
sion they constructed a cabin on Smith's Point north 
of the strait. These men, moreover, were members 
of a townsite company which had been founded in 
May, 1856, at Eed Wing, Minnesota. As promoters 
it was their purpose to start a town on the border of 
some one of the lakes in this region. The Grangers 
as leading stockholders in the concern laid claim to 
the point upon which the cabin was built, as well as 
to all the land lying along the northern shore of the 



OKOBOJI IN MAllCH 1857 53 

east lake. After resolving upon permanent settle- 
ment all but William Granger decided to remain 
during the coming fall and winter and engage in pre- 
paring the townsite for prospective settlers. Wil- 
liam Granger was the only married man of the 
group, and his purpose in returning to Red Wing- 
was two-fold — that of advertising the townsite 
which had been selected and of bringing back his 
family in the spring of 1857.^''*' 

Although the Gardner and Luce families were the 
first to arrive at the lakes, they had not long to wait 
before other groups began to arrive, all of whom 
hurried preparations for the winter that was now 
not far removed. The sound of the saw and ham- 
mer was soon heard in a number of places along the 
lake shores, while signs of still greater activity in 
the future grew apace. All of the newcomers located 
within a radius of six miles of the Gardner cabin. ^"^ 
The nearest settlement was that at Springfield, Min- 
nesota, about eighteen miles to the northeast ; while 
to the south the nearest was at Gillett's Grove, more 
than forty miles away."" Neither of these settle- 
ments had made any provision for its protection 
against a hostile party of any kind. So far as any- 
one knew no reason existed for their apparent feel- 
ing of assurance against danger. 

So rapidly had emigration set in that by Novem- 
ber 1, 1856, there were six separate groups of people 
prepared to spend the winter in this vicinity. The 
first family to arrive after the Gardners was that of 
James H. Mattock, who came with his wife and five 



54 THE SPIRIT LAKE MASSACRE 

children directly from Delaware County, Iowa. 
They settled south of the strait, nearly opposite the 
site chosen by the party from Red Wing, and the 
place of their settlement has since become locally 
known as Mattock's Grove. The site was about one 
mile from the Gardner-Luce cabin. With the Mat- 
tock family had also come a Robert Madison, who 
was about eighteen years of age. Robert Madison 
had preceded the other members of his family, who 
were still in Delaware County but were planning to 
move to the lake region when suitable accommoda- 
tions had been provided for them by the son.^°^ 

From Hampton, Franklin County, Iowa, there 
came in the late fall the families of Joel Howe, Alvin 
Noble, and Joseph M. Thatcher. These people had 
been neighbors at Hampton and had come west as a 
group. They settled along the east shore of East 
Okoboji, some two or three miles from the Mattock 
cabin. The Howe family was large, consisting of 
Mr. and Mrs. Howe and six children. Jonathan, the 
eldest of the children and a young man of twenty- 
three, remained in Hampton, since it was planned 
that he should come out in the following spring or as 
soon as he could procure the supplies w^hich would 
be needed by the three families in their work of pio- 
neering. Alvin Noble, Howe's son-in-law, brought 
with him his wife and one child — a two year old son. 
The Thatcher family was also small, consisting of 
Mr. and Mrs. Thatcher and a child about seven 
months of age. The Howe cabin was the first to be 
erected and was also the nearest to those on West 



OKOBOJI IN MARCH 1857 55 

Okoboji. When it had been completed, all hands 
joined in the erection of a cabin about a mile beyond 
or northeast of Howe's place which was to be jointly 
occupied by the Noble and Thatcher families until 
further arrangements could be made. Boarding 
with the latter families was Morris Markham — a 
sort of frontiersman from Hampton, Iowa.'"* 

Late in September came Mr. and Mrs. William 
Marble from Linn County, Iowa. Having stopped 
temporarily on the Okoboji lakes, the Marbles after 
some prospecting decided to locate on the southwest 
shore of Spirit Lake — distant, in an air line, about 
six miles from the Gardners and perhaps a mile less 
from the Howes. Their cabin w^as the most isolated 
of all — which made it easily possible for events to 
transpire upon the shores of the Okobojis without 
the knowledge of the Marbles for days or even 
weeks. '°' 

Such was the chain of settlements of those pio- 
neers who were to pass the frightful winter of 1856- 
1857 on this isolated frontier. As winter closed in 
upon them they felt reasonably secure, since Lidians 
had only very rarely been seen. With little or no 
experience of frontier life on an American prairie, 
they believed their supply of provisions to be ample 
for the closed season. No one anticipated an un- 
usual winter. During February a trapper named 
Joseph Harshman came to the cabin of the Red 
Wing people. Being a man of genial disposition he 
was encouraged to spend the remaining portion of 
the winter with them. Whence he came no one 



56 THE SPIRIT LAKE MASSACRE 

knew; nor did anyone inquire concerning his ante- 
cedents, since on the frontier such questions were 
regarded as discourteous to the stranger. 

About eighteen miles to the northeast, on the Des 
Moines River in Minnesota, was the newly formed 
settlement of Springfield. Here were to be found 
by the winter of 1856-1857 about six or seven fam- 
ilies. The town had been platted in the summer of 
1856 by three brothers — William, George, and 
Charles Wood of Mankato, Minnesota. For many 
years these brothers had been widely known in Min- 
nesota and the northwest as Indian traders. By the 
winter of 1856-1857 they had concentrated their 
trading interests in a store in Springfield, which 
made the little village the meeting and trading place 
of the Indians and whites for many miles around. 
Indeed, Springfield was the only settlement of note 
within a radius of fifty miles. ^"^ 

Most of the settlers comprising the Springfield, or 
as it was sometimes called the "Des Moines City" 
settlement, had come from northeastern Iowa. The 
vanguard had appeared in August, 1856, and had 
located on the east side of the Des Moines River. 
The Wood brothers had come somewhat earlier and 
had established their post on the west side of the 
river, w^here they laid out the town which they 
planned to promote. As in the region of the lakes, 
the cabins were widely scattered up and down the 
river for seven or eight miles. "^ By the opening of 
mnter the settlement had about seventeen able- 
bodied men and twelve adult women ; but by March, 



OKOBOJI IN MARCH 1857 57 

1857, the number had somewhat increased so that 
the settlement had about forty-seven jjoople in all, 
living in seven or eight family groups. 

In general the cabins were centered about the 
home of J. B. Thomas, who had built in the edge of 
the timber near the river about one and a half miles 
from the Wood brothers' store. In this family were 
Mr. and Mrs. Thomas and five children, the eldest of 
wdiom was a boy, Willie, of twelve or thirteen years. 
About two miles from the Thomas cabin upon the 
open prairie lived Joshua Stewart with his wife and 
three children; while the Wheeler cabin was about 
three-fourths of a mile and the John Bradshaw home 
nearly one and a half miles away. The Adam P. 
Shiegley cabin, where he and one son lived, was the 
most isolated, being far removed from all of the 
others. In addition, there were the homes of 
Strong, Skinner, Smith, Church, and Harshman. 

In the family of Dr. E. B. N. Strong, the com- 
munity surgeon, were Dr. and Mrs. Strong, two chil- 
dren, and Miss Eliza Gardner, the daughter of Row- 
land Gardner of the Okoboji settlement.^"* The 
Strongs had made the acquaintance of the Gardners 
after the latter had come to the lakes. As Mrs. 
Strong was not in good health Eliza Gardner had 
been prevailed upon to accompany the Strongs to 
their new home at Springfield. In the Church home 
were Mr. and Mrs. William L. Church, two children, 
and Miss Drusilla Swanger, a sister of Mrs. Church. 
The family of J. B. Skinner comprised, beside him- 
self, his wife and two children ; while in the Harsh- 



58 THE SPIRIT LAKE MASSACRE 

man home there were also two children. Mr. and 
Mrs. William Nelson had one child; while Mr. and 
Mrs. Robert Smith and a second Harshman and wife 
were without children."^ The unmarried men of the 
community were Joseph Cheffins, Henry Tretts, 
Jareb Palmer, David N. Carver, Nathaniel Frost, 
John Henderson, and John Bradshaw. As the re- 
sult of being badly frozen during the winter of 1856- 
1857, it had been necessary for Dr. Strong to ampu- 
tate both of Henderson's legs and one of Smith's. 
These operations had been performed shortly before 
the visit of the Indians in March, 1857.''° 



VII 
THE JOURNEY EAST FOR SUPPLIES 

By February the unusual severity of the winter 
was occasioning some alarm at the lake settle- 
ments — particularly as the stock of provisions laid 
by for the winter was nearing exhaustion. In view 
of the deep snow and the intense cold it seemed more 
than foolish to think of attempting to make one's 
way even ta the nearest depot of supplies — wdiich 
was Fort Dodge. The banks of snow were fifteen 
and often twenty feet high and offered an almost im- 
passable obstruction to the use of teams. Add to 
this the intensity of the cold, and one can well imag- 
ine what courage or dire necessity it must have re- 
quired to induce the traveller to set out for the pur- 
pose of making his way over an untrodden and in 
many respects an unknown waste of snow. But the 
food situation was such that it became increasingly 
evident that some effort must soon be made to re- 
lieve a condition which might become intolerable. 
Moreover, no one had had any experience in this sec- 
tion which would serve as an index to indicate how 
long the w^inter season might continue. 

Finally, it was decided that Luce and Thatcher 
were to return to their former homes in the eastern 
section of the State in quest of the needed food. 

59 



60 THE SPIRIT LAKE MASSACRE 

With a sled and an ox team they set out in the early 
days of February. The journey proved to be one of 
almost incredible hardships: the cold was nearly 
unendurable, while the banks of snow so impeded 
their progress that not infrequently little advance 
was made as the result of a whole day's effort. In 
the end, however, they made their way safely to 
Hampton, but only to suffer the disappointment of 
learning that the settlers here could do little or noth- 
ing for them. Compelled to go still farther, they 
pushed on to Shell Rock, Cedar Falls, and Waterloo 
before they were able to obtain sufficient supplies 
for all the people at the lakes. 

Securing at last the needed supplies, they re- 
mained at Cedar Falls for a brief time to permit the 
recuperation of both their oxen and themselves. 
Finally, they began preparations for the return 
journey which would probably prove more trying 
than the one east, for now they would be compelled 
to face the cutting winds and hard driven snows of 
the open prairies. Although warning of the pos- 
sible hardships of such a journey was given by Luce 
and Thatcher, the prospects did not deter four young 
men from accompanying the two settlers upon their 
return to the lakes. These men were Robert Clark, 
a young friend of Luce from Waterloo; Jonathan 
Howe, the son of Joel Howe already settled at Oko- 
boji; Enoch Ryan from Hampton, a son-in-law of 
Joel Howe; and Asa Burtch, a brother of Mrs. 
Joseph M. Thatcher. 



JOURNEY EAST FOR SUPPLIES (Jl 

In spite of the difficulties encountered, all went 
well on the return until the party reached a point 
known as Shippey's near the mouth of Cylinder 
Creek in Palo Alto County, about ten miles south of 
the ''Irish Colony". Here the overloaded and ex- 
hausted oxen were unable to proceed any further. 
After some deliberation it was decided that Burtch 
and Thatcher should remain at Shippey's and care 
for the oxen until they had regained their strength 
sufficiently to allow them to proceed upon the journey. 
Meanwhile, Luce, Clark, How^e, and Ryan were to 
hasten onward to the lakes with the good word that 
succor was near at hand. They made the trip on 
foot and in two days, reaching the settlements on the 
evening of March 6th. Here they found all well ^^dth 
the settlers who rejoiced at the prospect of relief in 
the near future."^ 

By a careful husbanding of resources and a sys- 
tem of mutual exchange the settlers had been able to 
prevent much suffering which a lack of care might 
have entailed. But the time had not elapsed with- 
out the occasional appearance of Indians. Appar- 
ently a number of red men were wintering in the 
groves near by, as it seemed unlikely that they could 
have come from any great distance. They were al- 
ways friendly in their attitude toward the w^hites, 
who from time to time took occasion to relieve their 
too evident suffering from cold and hunger. They 
had not only been invited within the cabins to share 
the comfortable firesides, but were also encouraged 



62 THE SPIRIT LAKE MASSACRE 

to share in the settlers' humble meals if they hap- 
pened to arrive at meal time. They never left a set- 
tler 's cabin empty-handed at any time. 

But as the time for the opening of spring neared 
it had been noted that the Indians grew more restless 
and less sociable : they seemed to avoid contact with 
the wdiites as much as possible. At the same time, 
the settlers, untrained in Indian ways, saw nothing 
singular in their later attitude and felt no occasion 
for alarm. Future developments, however, were to 
show that there had been more than one occasion for 
alarm. More than once the Indians had been ob- 
served to stalk each cabin and in other ways mani- 
fest an undue interest in the settlers. This, how- 
ever, was accounted for at the time as untutored 
curiosity in things new and strange. 



VIII 
THE INKPADUTA BAND 

For a number of years preceding the killing of 
Sidominadota another Indian band, similar in char- 
acter to that led by the murdered leader, had roamed 
the country and terrorized the people between the 
Des Moines and the Big Sioux rivers. Under the 
leadership of Inkpaduta or "Scarlet Point", this 
band had frequented in particular the headwaters 
of the Des Moines : they resorted to the Big Sioux 
and beyond only when fleeing from punishment.^^- 
Their refuge beyond the Big Sioux was with the 
Yanktons, whose camps along the James or Dakota 
River were always an asylum for outlawed and dis- 
orderly Sioux bands. Here Inkpaduta was free to 
go at any time for shelter and defense. But ^vith 
no other group was Inkpaduta able to maintain even 
the semblance of friendly relations.''^ The Inkpa- 
duta band of Indians had become well-known either 
by the name of its leader or as the "Red Top" band, 
from the fact that it frequently carried pennons of 
red cloth attached to lance ends.^'* 

Inkpaduta, the leader of the band, w^as a Wahpe- 
kuta Sioux of a villainous and unsavory reputation 
even among his own tribesmen, who feared or hated 
him. Due to his misdeeds he had been expelled from 

63 



64 THE SPIRIT LAKE MASSACRE 

membersliip in bis own gens division of the Wahpe- 
kuta Sioux.^^' But this did not serve as a lesson in 
proper conduct; instead it seemed only to enrage 
him to the point of committing other and worse 
deeds — if such were possible. Owing to his lawless 
disposition a serious cpiarrel arose among the Wah- 
pekutas. Originally this division seems to have aris- 
en out of a very marked difference in opinion as to 
the proper attitude to assume toward their heredi- 
tary enemies, the Sac and Fox Indians. One section 
advised a cessation of hostilities which seemed to 
have resulted in the accomplishment of no purpose. 
Moreover, in several of the encounters the Wahpe- 
kutas had sutfered severe losses which thej^ had not 
been able to successfully recoup. 

A second division of the tribe led by Wamdisapa, 
or ''Black Eagle", was so quarrelsome and revenge- 
ful that it stoutly opposed any consideration looking 
toward peace. Black Eagle is characterized as ''a 
reckless, lawless fellow, always at war" w^ith other 
tribes. After the treaties of Prairie du Chien in 
1825 and 1830, he was ''one of the first" of the 
Sioux to violate their provisions by making war upon 
the neighboring tribes. His conduct in this respect 
grew especially bad after the treaty of 1830, when 
his attitude won for him the "ill will of all his peo- 
ple", who claimed that his conduct provoked their 
enemies to make many reprisals upon them. Refus- 
ing to alter his conduct, Wamdisapa and a small 
group of kindred spirits were virtually driven away 
from the tribe and no longer considered as its mem- 
bers."" 



THE INKPADUTA BAND 65 

Striking out boldly across the prairies of Minne- 
sota, the outlaws took a course which led them south 
and west: they were evidently headed for the lower 
James, the place of their future rendezvous. Their 
course led them to the present site of Algona, where 
they tarried for some time. Resuming their flight, 
they traveHed westward, crossing tlie Big Sioux. 
Finally, they established themselves on the Jacques 
or James River in the vicinity of Spirit Lake, South 
Dakota.''" After removing to this region they were 
not infrequently known as the "Santies" of the 
James. They seemed to have lost their identity vnth 
the Wahpekutas. 

As this party of defection grew in numbers, dif- 
ferences of opinion arose among them. After suffer- 
ing disruption the band reorganized under two lead- 
ers or chieftans — Wamdisapa and Tasagi ("His 
Cane")- Under this dual leadership, they seemed 
for a time to prosper as never before. But their 
misdeeds became so numerous that the neighboring 
Sioux requested them to leave the country.''^ The 
dual chieftanship was not continued l)eyond the lives 
of the original holders, since internal jealousies and 
ambitions rendered it not only undesirable but im- 
possible. The quarrels were largely due to temper- 
amental differences in the leaders. Tasagi was of a 
mikl disposition; while Wamdisapa was noted for 
his quarrelsome, ferocious, and revengeful nature. 

After sig-ning the treaty of 1836, Wamdisapa 
shifted his band to the Blue Earth region. From 
here he conducted raids into the Iowa country 
against the Sacs and Foxes, who, in retaliating, 



66 THE SPIRIT LAKE MASSACRE 

made no distinction between the Indians of Wamdi- 
sapa and those of Tasagi on the Cannon River. This 
caused much suffering among the Cannon River 
people ; but Wamdisapa could not be prevailed upon 
to discontinue his raids. In the meantime Wamdi- 
sapa 's son, Inkpaduta, had grown to manhood and 
leadership. He seems to have inherited to the full 
the relentless cruelty of his father. More ambitious 
for leadership than his father, he planned to unite 
as speedily as possible the leadership which his 
father had been content to share with Tasagi. 

When the consolidation of the leadership did not 
progress as rapidly as Inkpaduta wished, it is said 
that he hastened the event by securing the murder 
of Tasagi. This occurred probably in 1839."^ As 
Inkpaduta had planned so it came to pass that upon 
Wamdisapa 's early death the two divisions accept- 
ed in the main Inkpaduta 's leadership. At the same 
time a strong faction refused his leadership. Be- 
coming alarmed for his safety Inkpaduta fled fur- 
ther into the Blue Earth country, hoping thereby to 
gain time for the firmer union of his loyal follow- 
gj.g_i2o Eygn so he could not tarry long since the 
Cannon River Wahpekutas were on his trail. With 
a still smaller number of followers he again fled — 
this time to northern Iowa — preferring to brave the 
hatred of the Sacs and Foxes to that of his fellow 
Wahpekutas. 

It is thought that the incident of Tasagi 's murder 
and the later flights nearly broke up the band of 
Wamdisapa, so that it could scarcely be said to 



THE INKPADUTA BAND 07 

exist. In a few years, however, through a prolonged 
series of intertribal quarrels conditions had become 
such that Inkpaduta was recognized as the undis- 
puted master of the greater and more turbulent sec- 
tions of both of the original bands. By the time of 
the successful realization of his plans — about 1848 
— Inkpaduta had made a reputation for relentless 
savagery that had spread throughout northwestern 
Iowa, Dakota, and Minnesota. Upon him rests the 
stigma of having planned the murder not only of 
Tasagi but also of his own father.''' His band 
seemed to thrive upon its evil reputation: thus it 
is said that "from time to time some villainous 
Sioux committed a murder, or other gross crime 
upon some other member of the tribe, and fled for 
fear of vengeance to the outlawed band of Wahpa- 
kootas for protection. '"" 

The Inkpaduta band of Indians became, as it were, 
accursed. It could call no place its home — except- 
ing perhaps the temporary winter rendezvous with 
the Spirit Lake Yanktons. Thus the members of 
this band became as "Ishmaelites whose hands 
were against all other men".'-^ The character of 
its members was that of its leader, w^ho acted as a 
magnet to draw to him the worst types from the 
surrounding tribes. Even according to the Indian 
moral code they would be classed as toughs and 
criminals. Inkpaduta was universally reputed as 
the most blood-thirsty Indian leader in the North- 
west. Whites and Indians upon whom his displeas- 
ure might fall feared him as death itself. The mem- 



68 THE SPIRIT LAKE MASSACRE 

bers of his band became widely known as the rene- 
gades and outlaws of the frontier. Spending their 
lives as wanderers and marauders, they never re- 
mained long in any locality. ''They went as far 
west as the Missouri, as far north as the Cheyenne, 
as far south and east as the Upper Des Moines, in 
Iowa.'"-* Their life of necessity was but an out- 
growth of their villainous disposition. It has been 
said that their actions grew so unbearably bad that 
even Sidominadota — by many regarded as an arch 
fiend — ^left the band and went far down the course 
of the Des Moines the better to escape the wrath of 
its leader.'^' It was soon after this act that Sido- 
minadota and Lott crossed paths with the result 
that the Indian's life paid the forfeit. 

Many of the unpleasant incidents in frontier life 
from 1836 to 1857 in Minnesota and Iowa were di- 
rectly chargeable to these Bedouins of the prairies 
who tarried at a "trading house but a few minutes 
and in seeming fear and dread hurried away." 
The first exploit officially credited to the band was 
the massacre of Wamundiyakapi, a Wahpekuta 
chief, along with seventeen warriors on the head- 
waters of the Des Moines in Murray County, Min- 
nesota, in 1849. Prior to 1850 they had broken up, 
plundered, and driven away two parties of United 
States surveyors. The cabins of numerous settlers 
in the upper Des Moines country had also been wan- 
tonly destroyed and they had been driven from the 
country — in face of the fact that it was well known 
what band was at work and where its usual rendez- 
vous was located.'-^ Settlers along the Boyer River 



THE INKPADUTA BAND 69 

had also suffered outrages at its hands as late as 
1852. Major William Williams stated it as his opin- 
ion that a general attack upon the frontier was 
planned to occur about 1855; but the plans failed 
for some unknown reason. Inkpaduta seems to have 
been much displeased thereat and attempted to take 
upon himself the execution of the original plan.^-' 

The unusually strenuous life which had been led 
by the band was having a telling effect upon its mem- 
bership: by 1852 there were evidences of a near 
dispersion. It seems that even to a criminal Indian 
compulsory exile from his race was distasteful, and 
one by one the followers of Inkpaduta were slipping 
away. To stimulate an interest in his band, Inkpa- 
duta appears to have settled upon a plan of making 
concerted attacks upon the nortlnvestern frontier of 
settlements; and he was successful in creating in 
the minds of some the belief that he had general con- 
trol of no less than five or six hundred warriors 
operating along the frontier in isolated bands of 
fifteen or twenty Indians each. It is now positively 
known that such was not the case and that at the 
time of its greatest prosperity the Inkpaduta band 
did not number more than fifty or sixty souls. By 
the autumn of 1856 the group had become so dimin- 
ished in numbers that it was upon the eve of dis- 
persion. 

This rapid disintegration of the band could be 
accounted for by the character of its leader. His 
arrogance was rapidly rendering followers impos- 
sible. Inkpaduta, in 1856, was evidently between 
fifty and sixty years of age. He was born, probably 



70 THE SPIRIT LAKE MASSACRE 

in 1800, on the Watonwan River in Minnesota. For 
a Wahpekuta Sioux lie was large, being probably 
more than six feet tall and very strongly built. He 
was not a person of pleasing appearance; for, 
coupled with the immoral character of his life, small- 
pox had badly marked him. Indeed, he presented an 
unusually repulsive appearance. His features were 
coarse; his countenance was of brutal cast; and 
he was very near-sighted. His near-sightedness be- 
came total blindness in old age, so that at the time 
of the battle of the Little Big Horn he was carefully 
piloted about by his small grandsons who, managing 
to save him from the general slaughter, succeeded 
in having him safely carried into Canada in the par- 
ty of Sitting BuW'' 

Although his band as a whole was of bad repute, 
Inkpaduta stood out above his followers on account 
of his hatred for the whites, his revengeful disposi- 
tion, and his nearly matchless success in war.'^'' 
Mrs. Sharp speaks of him as "a savage monster in 
human shape, fitted only for the darkest corner in 
Hades." '^^ "Of all the base characters among his 
fellow outlaws, his nature seems to have been the vil- 
est, and his heart the blackest." '^' ''It was only as a 
war chief that he won a place in the admiration of 
the Indians. In civil life they would have none of 
him. Except where bloodshedding was the business 
in hand, they knew by sore experience he was not to 
be trusted .... It is scarcely probable from 
all of his conduct that he was other than he seemed, 
a terrible monster. "^^^ 



THE INKPADUTA BAND 71 

His unusual disposition was coupled with an am- 
bition to see his people and tribe restored once again 
to their wide and extensive hunting ranges. As h(^ 
witnessed the frontier expanding westward he saw 
his great ambition vanish, and he was irritated be- 
yond control. Unspeakably immoral himself, he 
nevertheless hated the vices of the whites that were 
slowly taking hold upon the members of his band 
and race. 

He yearned to be a party to the treaties of the 
Wahpekutas as a chief and to share in the annuities 
which resulted therefrom. The annuities, with the 
exception of those of 1854 and 1856, he was permit- 
ted to enjoy. Upon the death of Wamdisapa it ap- 
pears that Inkpaduta was definitely dropped from 
membership in the Wahpekutas ; and so he was not 
consulted regarding the disposal of the Minnesota 
and northwestern Iowa lands. It was thought that 
he had forfeited his council rights; but when the 
first payment was made he was on hand and de- 
manded his share — which was denied him by the 
agent. He then turned his attention to the treaty- 
making Indians and compelled them to pay him the 
share which he claimed in the annuities. Thereafter 
he appeared annually, and only twice was he defi- 
nitely refused. This denial was an affront extremely 
hard for him to bear, for it was to him a denial of 
his i-ights in the name and birthright of the Wahpe- 
kuta Sioux.^"' Claiming the Yankton and Santee 
tribal rights he appears to have gained an acknowl- 
edgment of tliem ])y the year 1865. 



IX 
INKPADUTA SEEKS REVENGE 

Burning with hatred for Indians and white men 
alike, Inkpaduta and his band left the Fort Ridgely 
Agency of the Lower Sioux in the autumn of 1856. 
They appear to have gone westward to the Big 
Sioux, where they spent some time in hunting and 
fishing. Their next and final move, before entering 
camp for the winter, was to the Yankton camp near 
Spirit Lake, South Dakota. There Inkpaduta planned 
to spend the winter of 1856-1857 with his well-tried 
friends and protectors. Doubtless during the fear- 
ful ordeal of that unusual season when they suffered 
from cold and hunger they recalled past wrongs, 
which they now credited with causing their present 
condition, and planned revenge upon their perse- 
cutors.^^* 

The question has frequently been raised as to 
where the Inkpaduta band of Indians really passed 
the winter season of 1856-1857. Some writers have 
held that they remained at Loon Lake, in Minnesota ; 
while others have insisted that they camped among 
the Yanktons in Dakota. The latter seems the more 
probable. Indeed, it is highly improbable that any 
Indians, after having suffered, as all agree this band 
had suffered during the winter in the valleys of the 

72 



INKPADUTA SP]EKS REVENGE 73 

Des Moines and Little Sioux, would go down the 
valley of the one, as they are reputed to have done, 
and finding no food on the way down, as all taking 
this view agree was the ease, until they arrived at 
Smithland, would then have doubled back upon a 
trail known to be barren. It is far more probable 
that the band wintered in Dakota, and with the ap- 
proach of spring returned to their favorite hunting 
grounds. When they had been denied food at Smith- 
land, they at once started up the Little Sioux and 
hastened to the hunting grounds of presumed plenty. 
One thing is certain : at the first breaking of winter 
they were on the move.^^^ 

It so happened that in February, 1857, there came 
a promise of spring, and with this promise Inkpa- 
duta and his band of Indians left their winter camp. 
Verging upon starvation, they hastened on foot or 
on horseback toward the white settlements along the 
Iowa frontier ; and it can truly be said of Inkpaduta 
that ' 'wherever he appeared, murder and theft 
marked his trail "."^ Reaching the Big Sioux, he 
and his followers passed down its course and across 
its waters to the beginning of the white settlements 
upon the Little Sioux in eastern Woodbury County. 

At the time of arrival at these settlements the 
band was not large — having, presumably, been 
sadly depleted by desertion or by the severity of the 
winter. Apparently there were only about ten lodg- 
es in all, comprising men, women, and children. So 
far as known the warriors in Feliruary, 1857, includ- 
ed the following: Inkpaduta, the leader; Roaring 



74 THE SPIRIT LAKE MASSACRE 

Cloud and Fire Cloud, the twin sons of Inkpaduta; 
Sacred Plume; Old Man; Putting on Walking; 
Rattling, son-in-law of Inkpaduta ; Big Face ; His 
Great Gun; Red Leg; Sliifting Wind; and Tali- 
tay-Shkope Kah-gah, wliose name does not appear 
to be translatable. Nothing further need be said of 
the band's personnel than that they had been well 
trained by Inkpaduta for the work in hand.^^^ 

As the settlements were neared it doubtless 
seemed to the Indians that they were approaching 
a land of plenty, for game which had hitherto been 
seen nowhere now began to make an occasional ap- 
pearance. It must have seemed to their primitive 
minds that this region, their land of plenty, had 
been usurped by the whites. They were eager for 
revenge and prepared to carry arson, murder, and 
pillage the full length of Iowa's western frontier. 

It should be borne in mind, as events rapidly fol- 
low, that the deeds of these Indians were not by any 
means spontaneous or the result of any single or 
isolated incident or circumstance. As an explana- 
tion of what occurred in Iowa in the spring of 1857, 
there has been advanced the theory that Inkpaduta 
was merely seeking revenge for the murder of his 
brother, Sidominadota. This explanation has been 
advanced so frequently that it has been long accept- 
ed by most people as an undoubted fact. In all prob- 
ability, however, such w^as not the motive of the In- 
dians : on the contrary the real cause must be sought 
in the innate character of the band that committed 



INKPADUTA SEEKS REVENGE 



the tragic deed. In fact this unhappy incident in 
Iowa's pioneer history was but one of many justly 
charged against this particular band of wild Bedou- 
ins of the prairies. 

The murder of Sidominadota in all probability did 
not cause Inkpaduta much concern. Moreover, it 
should be said at the outset that Inkpaduta and Si- 
dominadota were not brothers — as has so often been 
claimed — since Inkpaduta was a Lower Sioux, a 
Wahpekuta; while Sidominadota was an Upper 
Sioux, a Sisseton. Hence they could not have been 
brothers. It is true that in some phases of Indian 
relationship they might have been spoken of as 
brothers, but the conditions making such a reference 
even remotely possible were not present in the case 
of these two Indian leaders. Hence the theory of 
blood revenge can not be accepted. Furthermore, 
the term "brother" with the Sioux was not limited 
to blood relationship. * ' The tribe consists of a group 
of men calling one another brother, who are hus- 
bands to a group of women calling one another sis- 
ter." To call one another brother was a common 
practice and carried with it no idea of relationslii]) 
as ordinarily interpreted. 

Granting that the two were brothers, if Inkpaduta 
could not have avenged the death within a year he 
could not have done so thereafter according to the 
practice of blood revenge universally taught and 
practiced among the Sioux. In religious practice 
and ceremonial observance Inkpaduta was neither a 



76 THE SPIRIT LAKE MASSACRE 

heretic nor an outcast. The Sioux have never been 
noted for retentive memories in matters of revenge, 
but rather for their laxity. 

Inkpaduta was superior to Sidominadota in rank ; 
hence he would not have succeeded him and could 
not have taken up blood revenge as his successor. 
Moreover, these two men had bitterly disagreed, and 
Sidominadota had severed all relation and connec- 
tion with Inkpaduta or any of his band and had 
grown to be one of the bitterest and most vindictive 
of enemies. Inkpaduta knew this. It is likely that 
Inkpaduta would have rejoiced at the news of his 
enemy 's death : it is certain that the murder would 
not have caused him much if any concern. ''With 
him it was every man for himself; he never had a 
sentiment so noble and dignified as that of revenge, 
and would not turn on his heel to retaliate for the 
slaughter of his nearest friend. "^^* 

Again, according to Siouan practice each band is 
absolutely separate : one band must not concern it- 
self with the affairs of another. War would inevi- 
tably have followed such conduct. Although Inkpa- 
duta was lawless in many respects, no instance in 
which he broke over the strict letter of this custom 
has come to light. 

Finally, the bands were so widely separated and 
so busily engaged in dodging each other that ''it is 
doubtful whether Inkpadoota ever heard the par- 
ticulars of All Over Bed's murder; it is certain 
that he would not have been concerned if he had." 

Thus it seems evident that Inkpaduta could not 



INKPADUTA SKKlvS KE\'EN(IK 



have been on a mission of blood revenge : it seems 
more probable that his own character and that of 
the members of his group, coupled with an over- 
emphasized conviction of wrongs suffered in years 
past, allied with the intense suffering of the moment, 
had produced an outburst of savage frenzy culmi- 
nating in murder. This would seem to be more in 
keeping with the known character of the Indian and 
in line with his known conduct. The idea of blood 
revenge has made a strong appeal since it w^as 
advanced as an explanation by Major William Wil- 
liams, but it can not be made to rest upon a founda- 
tion of known and recognized facts in connection 
with the Spirit Lake Massacre."^ 



THE SMITHLAND INCIDENT 

The approach of Inkpaduta and his band to the 
white settlements was unobserved — due probably 
to the fact that the severity of the winter had driven 
into the settlement all the traders and trappers w^ho 
were commonly the purveyors of such news along 
the frontier. Although the Indians appeared at 
Smithland on the Little Sioux in southeastern Wood- 
bury County unannounced, no alarm was felt since 
they had been there before and seemed quite friend- 
ly. Even now they bore, outwardly at least, every 
indication of friendship for the whites. Quietly and 
inoffensively they begged from the settlers who, 
pitying their evident starving condition, gave as 
liberally as they could to satisfy their needs rather 
than their demands."** 

It seems that the Indians had been at the settle- 
ment but a brief time when they discovered that the 
whites had not been able to complete the harvesting 
of the past season's corn crop on account of the 
coming of the early and deep snows. Much of the 
corn had been buried, where the settlers had been 
content to leave it for husking in early spring. Upon 
making this discovery the Indians with a will set 

78 



THE SMITHLAND INCIDENT 79 

about gathering corn from the fields. Very natural- 
ly the settlers objected and demanded that the In- 
dians desist, which they did after some jangling and 
expressions of ill feeling. They did not, however, 
cease their demands for food. 

The settlers now assumed a plainly unfriendly 
attitude toward the Indians, which in turn gave im- 
petus to a change in the temper and attitude of the 
Indians toward the whites. They soon became sul- 
len and insolent, with a manifest tendency to commit 
a variety of malicious acts — probably for the pur- 
pose of trying the temper of the settlers. Only 
acts of a trivial character, however, were actually 
committed; and so the wiser heads in Smithland 
were successful in warding off for some time any 
serious trouble. 

Several days after the arrival of the Indians a 
large drove of elk appeared in the timber on the 
river bottom. This meant plenty to the nearly fam- 
ished Indians, and they at once began preparations 
for the hunt in which all were to participate. When 
the hunt had gotten well under way an Indian was 
attacked by a settler's dog which apparently had 
become over zealous in the chase. The Indian retali- 
ated by killing the dog. Then the owner of the dog 
sought to even matters by administering a rather 
severe beating to the Indian, at the same time forci- 
bly disarming him. To a young Indian l)rave such 
treatment was an insult calling for retaliation. 
AVlien the other settlers learned of this reckless ac- 



80 THE SPIRIT LAKE MASSACRE 

tion on the part of one of their number they grew 
alarmed, for they knew Indian character well enough 
to conclude that the incident was not a closed one by 
any means. 

Meanwhile the petty pilfering and thieving by the 
Indians continued. Especially annoying were the 
squaws who, constantly haunting the cabins and 
other buildings of the settlement, would sometimes 
carry away grain and hay. Occasionally a settler 
catching a squaw in the act would give her a whip- 
ping — which only increased the tension of the situ- 
ation. Finally, a settlers' council w^as called, the 
result of which was an effort to disarm the Indians 
as an assurance of safety. Failing to realize the 
full purport of what was being done, the Indians 
offered little opposition. The g-uns were hidden, and 
for a wdiile the settlers breathed easily. But in their 
alarm, they had really taken a very unwise course. 
They probably thought that the Indians would soon 
come forward and offer some reasonable and peace- 
ful settlement of any wrongs that had been commit- 
ted. In this, however, the settlers exhibited little 
appreciation of the character of the Sioux Indian."' 

Not a little enraged, the Indians committed other 
depredations upon the settlers ; and it was not long 
before the settlers awoke to a realization of the mis- 
take they had made. But they soon committed a 
worse blunder in seeking to correct the first. A 
militia company of twenty-one men was organized 
among the men of Smithland and vicinity under the 



THE SMITHLAND INCIDENT 81 

leadership of Seth Smith, the founder of the settle- 
ment. Captain Smith was selected as leader of the 
organization not for his known military ability, but 
because he owned a "magnificent suit of regimen- 
tals, with its quivering epaulettes, gaily bedecked 
cocked hat and flashing sword. ' ' Surely these would 
strike terror to the souls of the Indians. 

The party Avas quickly and quietly prepared for 
a demonstration of military power, after which they 
marched to the Indian camp and there paraded be- 
fore the Indians. When the demonstration was end- 
ed, Captain Smith demanded of the Indians that they 
leave at once. This seemed impossible to the In- 
dians, who are said to have replied that the weather 
was so cold and the snows so deep up north that noth- 
ing to eat could be secured by them in that direction. 
They added, however, that they would like to go on 
down the river to the camps of the Omahas and treat 
with them. This the whites did not seem to think 
would be advisable : they evidently thought that the 
Indians would visit them again upon their return to 
the north. Wlien denied the privilege of passing on 
to the Omahas the Indians flatly refused to leave at 
all — an action that may have been due in part to the 
fact that not all of the Indians w^ere then in the 
camp."- 

The settlers, finding themselves sufficiently strong 
after this demonstration of military preparedness, 
began a series of annoying acts directed toward the 
Indians, who seemed to submit stoically to these im- 



82 THE SPIRIT LAKE MASSACRE 

positions. Finally, one morning the settlers were 
not a little gratified to discover that the Indians had 
gone. But the joy was only temporary; for the In- 
dians later reappeared with guns — possibly the very 
ones that had been taken from them by the settlers. 
How they secured these arms was not known ; but 
it was evident that the reclamation of their property 
had a marked effect upon their conduct. They now 
became defiant and openly committed theft to satisfy 
their wants ; for they knew that they were now bet- 
ter prepared for resistance than were the whites. 

It was shortly before this time that General Har- 
ney had conducted his march through the Indian 
country in Kansas and Nebraska, thence westward 
into Wyoming, and back northeastward to or near 
Fort Pierre in Dakota. Every Sioux knew of him 
and held him in a sort of superstitious awe or dread. 
They thought of him as one guided and guarded by 
the Almighty in his work as an avenger. Aware of 
the regard with which the Sioux held Harney, it was 
proposed by the settlers to use him as a means of 
ridding themselves of their Indian g-uests. Accord- 
ingly a settler donned the soiled uniform of an army 
officer and at sunset appeared in the edge of the tim- 
ber on the bank of the Little Sioux opposite the In- 
dian camp. His appearance there was called to the 
attention of the Indians, along with the suggestion 
that the stranger was Harney, in all likelihood, in 
close pursuit of them. The ruse, it is said, was ef- 
fective: that same night the Indians fled up the 
river from Smithland. As thev fled it became in- 



THE SMITHLAND INCIDENT 83 

creasingly evident that they were thirsting for re- 
venge. From suffering indignities themselves they 
now turned to the infliction of atrocities upon whom- 
soever chanced to cross their path. While the more 
level-headed settlers at Smithland regretted the 
tricks played upon the Indians, all congratulated 
themselves upon being rid of their unwelcome 
guests."^ 



XI 

FROM SMITHLAND TO OKOBOJI 

After leaving Smithland the next place visited by 
Inkpaduta and his band seems to have been Cor- 
rectionville — a place about twenty miles up the 
course of the Little Sioux. Here the Indians appear 
to have been friendly at first; but they were not 
long in the settlement before their begging and 
thieving led to opposition from the whites. Indeed, 
during the later portion of their stay they used 
their guise of friendship only for the purpose of se- 
curing an entrance to the cabins of the settlers, and 
having been admitted helped themselves to whatever 
was most convenient and best suited to their needs, 
such as food, guns, and ammunition. 

The ugliness of their real character for the first 
time appeared in their treatment of a settler by the 
name of Robert Hammond. It seems that Hammond 
resisted their thieving after he had admitted them to 
his cabin, with the result that he was badly beaten. 
This episode appears to have started the Indians 
upon their fiendish career. Having left Hammond 
helpless in his cabin, they turned, when some dis- 
tance away, and literally shot the cabin door off its 
hinges. This was done, presumably, as a warning 
of what was likely to happen if they were further 

84 



FROM SMITHLAND TO OKOBOJI 85 

interfered with. They then left the settlement and 
continued their journey northward. 

As he proceeded up the course of the Little Sioux, 
Inkpaduta followed the policy of sending out scout- 
ing and foraging parties into the surrounding coun- 
try. At nearly every cabin found by these parties 
everything in the line of guns, food, and ammunition 
was either carried off or destroyed. Not infrequent- 
ly the stock of the settler — hogs, cattle, or horses — 
was killed and left untouched : the Indians seemed 
now to be seeking to destroy rather than to take for 
their own use. 

The next settlement reached by the band was Pilot 
Eock in Cherokee County. Wliile pausing here for 
a brief time scouts were sent out in all directions 
through the surrounding country. Very little trans- 
pired at Pilot Rock other than the taking of food and 
arms. Here the Indians found no opposition upon 
the part of the settlers ; and when they had satis- 
fied themselves they left the community. 

Another settlement visited was that of the Milford 
Colony, which was located a little north of the pres- 
ent town of Cherokee. Cattle and hogs were shot, 
doors torn from their hinges, and furniture ruined. 
Bedding was torn into shreds, and feather ticks were 
ripped open and the contents scattered upon the 
prairie. Here the Indians remained for three days ; 
and while the settlers suffered only from fright and 
the destruction of property, they were only too hap- 
py to note the red men's preparations for leaving. 

The Indians had tarried at Milford Colonv evi- 



86 THE SPIRIT LAKE MASSACRE 

dently for rest and recuperation, finding here more 
supplies than they had encountered elsewhere. This 
was doubtless due to the fact that the settlers, hav- 
ing but lately come west from Milford, Massachu- 
setts, were well provided against possible future 
needs. For three days the Indians feasted and ap- 
peared to deliberate. Upon the evening of the third 
day two of the Milford pioneers returned from a 
business trip to Sac City. The arrival of Parkhurst 
and Lebourveau seemed to arouse the Indians' sus- 
picion. They demanded to be told from whence the 
settlers had come. Not having received the desired 
information they probably concluded they were be- 
ing pursued and that night left the settlement. After 
the departure of the Indians, the Milford pioneers 
deserted the colony and sought refuge at various 
places — at Ashland, at Onawa, and at Smithland. 

As they came to isolated cabins north of this set- 
tlement the Indians resorted to various modes of 
terrorizing the pioneers. At the cabin of Lemuel 
Parkhurst they amused themselves for an hour or 
more by striking their tomahawks into the floor and 
logs of the cabin, while flourishing scalping knives 
about the heads of the affrighted occupants. Mrs. 
Parkhurst finally pacified them by preparing a meal 
which she set before them. Having consumed this 
meal, they proffered the peace pipe, shook hands, 
and departed. 

At the cabin of James A. Brow^n they seemed to 
be seeking entertainment rather than food. After 
compelling Brown to mount a hay stack, two Indians 
climbed up — one armed with a rifle, the other with 



FROM S^illTHLAND TO OKOBOJI 87 

a pitchfork. They amused themselves by testing the 
steadiness of Brown's nerve. He was alternately 
lunged at by the possessor of the fork and levelled 
at by the holder of the gun. After thus amusing 
themselves for ten or fifteen minutes, the Indians 
allowed him to get down and go to his cabin. They 
then went to the stable, killed an ox, and attempted 
to steal a horse ; but the animal was so vicious that 
they finally gave up the attempt and left. These 
are but incidents illustrative of the behavior of the 
Indians as they passed to the north of Cherokee and 
up the Little Sioux.'" 

Arriving in the northwestern corner of Buena 
Vista County, their conduct became, if possible, still 
more vicious. Wherever they appeared they were 
sullen, as contrasted with their tendency to talk and 
seek entertainment at points further down the river. 
Waste, violence, and cruelty now characterized their 
actions. At the home of a Mr. Weaver they not only 
wantonly shot all his hogs and cattle, but also 
roughly handled him and the members of his family. 
Satisfied with this, they moved off to the northwest. 

They were next heard of at the home of H. H. 
Waterman in 'Brien County. The visit to the Wat- 
erman cabin, however, seems to have been from a 
scouting detachment rather than from the band as 
a whole. In Waterman's own words ''Seven big 
strapping Sioux bucks stopped at my house; they 
were so tall I had to look up at them". They told 
him of the Smithland affair. Although they seemed 
much excited. Waterman paid little attention to 
their story for he recognized them as the same In- 



THE SPIRIT LAKE MASSACRE 



dians that had called upon him more than once be- 
fore. He did, however, become alarmed when they 
began stealing his property — to which he finally ob- 
jected. But they took everything they could lay 
hands on; and ended by beating Waterman in the 
back and stringing him up by the thumbs. Appar- 
ently satisfied, they committed no further mischief, 
but departed in the direction from which they had 
come.^*^ 

After the episode at the Waterman cabin the band 
concentrated at the site of the present town of Pet- 
erson in southwestern Clay County, where they 
found white settlers — at which they were apparent- 
ly much surprised. Peterson was only a short dis- 
tance away from the cabins of Weaver in Buena 
Vista County and Waterman in O'Brien. Here it 
would seem they began in earnest the campaign of 
terror which was to end in massacre at the lakes and 
in the attack upon Springfield. They were no longer 
satisfied with thieving and pillaging; but the tor- 
turing of people and the taking of human life now 
seemed to be the pronounced bent and purpose of 
their raid. The mere presence of white people 
seemed to infuriate them to frenzied acts, and the 
wonder is that the general massacre of the settlers 
did not begin at Peterson rather than at Okoboji. 

As already noted there were at Peterson by Feb- 
ruary, 1857, the families of James Bicknell, Jacob 
Kirchner, and Ambrose S. Mead. Although the 
news of Indian depredations had reached these fam- 
ilies before the coming of the Indians themselves, 
conditions were such that no steps could be taken to 



FROM SMITHLAND TO OKOBOJI 89 

offer resistance. The Bicknell cabin, being located 
the furthest to the south and west, was reached first. 
This probability had been anticipated, for by the 
time the Indians arrived the inmates had fled to the 
shelter of the Kirchner home across the river. At 
the Bicknell home everything was either taken or 
destroyed. Early on the following morning the In- 
dians crossed the river and appeared at the Kirch- 
ner home, where were huddled closely together for 
mutual protection the families of Bicknell and Jacob 
Kirchner. Here the Indians repeated their atroci- 
ties, leaving only the cabin and the lives of the set- 
tlers. 

Although the Meads have been spoken of as a part 
of the Peterson settlement, they were not properly 
so since they were located some little distance up the 
course of the stream and were nearer the open prai- 
rie. It seems that they had not been warned of the 
coming of the Indians. Mr. Mead was absent at 
Cedar Falls ; but before going he had arranged w^ith 
a family by the name of Taylor to jointly occupy the 
Mead cabin with Mrs. Mead and the children. When 
the Indians appeared Mr. E. Taylor resisted their 
meddling in matters about the cabin. This enraged 
them and they threatened to kill him unless he de- 
sisted from objecting to their pillaging. Fearing 
that they might carry out the threat, Taylor managed 
to elude the watchfulness of the Indians and started 
south with a view to procuring help. Mrs. Mead 
meanwhile had been knocked down and otherwise 
abused for resisting. 

The whole affair at the Mead cabin ended by the 



90 THE SPIRIT LAKE MASSACRE 

Indians attempting to carry off the women and chil- 
dren as prisoners. They succeeded in carrying away 
Hattie, the eldest of the Mead children, but when 
they attempted to take Emma Mead, who was about 
ten years of age, she resisted so strongly that they 
contented themselves with beating her all the way 
back to her cabin home and then letting her go. The 
Taylor child was kicked into the fireplace where he 
was fearfully burned; while his mother and Mrs. 
Mead were carried away to camp. On the following 
morning the prisoners were allowed to return to 
their home. The Indians evidently feared pursuit 
or did not care to be burdened with prisoners at this 
time."« 

Mr. Taylor made good his escape and started 
across the country to the Sac City settlement for aid. 
After some privation, he was successful in reaching 
the settlement. A relief party consisting of a com- 
pany of men under Enoch Boss as captain made the 
march up the Eaccoon River to Storm Lake and 
across country to the Mead home on the Little Sioux. 
Of course the Indians were gone by this time, but 
the company started up the river in pursuit. It is 
written by someone that a member of the party when 
out on a reconnaissance, discovered the Indians, and 
at once hurried back to report his discovery. Upon 
reaching the main party he found an active quarrel 
going on among the members ; and when he reported 
his news the company at once disbanded and hurried 
home. Other accounts have related that the Indians 
were pursued to within a few miles of Spencer, when 
the company was stopped by a terrific blizzard and 



FROM SMITHLAND TO OKOBOJI 91 

compelled to turn back without having accomplished 
its purpose of punishing the Indians."' 

While the Sac County relief part}' was forming 
and on its way across the country, the Indians had 
moved up the river to the little group of cabins where 
Sioux Rapids now stands. No damage was done at 
this settlement, the band seeming to be content with 
asking and receiving. Before the relief party ar- 
rived, the Indians had reached Gillett's Grove where 
again they seemed disposed to create trouble. 

In the summer and fall of 1856 the Gillett brothers 
had settled in what was perhaps the finest body of 
timber along the whole course of the Little Sioux. 
Through this grove, dividing it nearly equally, flows 
the Little Sioux. Each of the two brothers had built 
a cabin upon his claim, one on either bank of the 
stream. In preparing for the winter they thought 
in the main only of their need of food and shelter: 
they troubled themselves little concerning an Indian 
visitation, reasoning that such an event was quite 
unlikely as Indians had not been seen since their 
arrival. Moreover, fishing in that region was poor 
and game was extremely scarce. 

Great therefore was the surprise of the Gillett 
brothers when in the late winter they learned of the 
arrival of an Indian party. Although the cabins 
were well placed for purposes of shelter, the Indians 
readily located them and at once paid them a visit. 
The red men were well received and their wants at- 
tended to by the settlers. Seeming well pleased 
they left with protestations of friendship. A few 
days later a second and different group appeared, 



92 THE SPIRIT LAKE MASSACRE 

led by the same Indian as the first. As the days 
passed this red man's visits became unpleasantly 
frequent, but thus far no offensive attitude had been 
assumed by the Indians. When, however, he began 
paying unwelcome attentions to Mrs. Gillett it was 
decided to put an end to his coming. 

One day, after the Indian had been peculiarly 
annoying, Gillett followed him and at some distance 
from the cabin shot him. The next morning the 
brothers visited the spot where the Indian had 
fallen, and finding the body beheaded it. Having 
committed this outrage they became frightened and 
decided upon flight to save themselves from Indian 
vengeance. Accordingly, they hastily packed a few 
belongings and started across the country tow^ard 
Fort Dodge. It was later learned that when the 
Indians discovered the body of the murdered man 
they destroyed as much of the Gillett property as 
they could lay hands upon. The influence of this 
murder in provoking the terrible deeds committed 
by the Indians a few days later when they reached 
the lakes can not be definitely determined."^ 

When the Gilletts fled from their homes they knew 
not whence they were going except that they were 
seeking to escape from Indian retribution. They 
finally decided to make an attempt to reach Fort 
Dodge, although they realized that this would be 
an exceedingly difficult task since they knew only in 
a general way the direction in which that station lay. 
In their wanderings they finally reached the little 
settlement at Sioux Rapids, where after some coun- 
selling it was decided to send couriers to Fort Dodge 



FROM SMITHLAND TO OKOBOJI 93 

for relief. Abner Bell, E. Weaver, and one of the 
Wilcox brothers were chosen to make the journey. 

It was near the first of March when the men from 
Sioux Eapids reached Fort Dodge with the intelli- 
gence of the Indian depredations along the Little 
Sioux. At first their story was not believed ; but as 
other reports of Indian depredations in this region 
continued to come in the people of Fort Dodge came 
to the conclusion that there must be some truth in 
what they had been told by the men from Sioux 
Rapids. Then they became alarmed as they saw 
qvidence of some great plan of Indian revenge 
against the whole of the exposed frontier. Later 
the story of Bell and his fellow couriers was con- 
firmed by reports from the Gilletts themselves, from 
Christian Kirchner, and from Ambrose S. Mead. 

An attempt was made to organize a relief party at 
Fort Dodge, but the effort was soon abandoned by 
its promoters. The distance was greater than sev- 
enty miles, the snow was deep, the cold intense, and 
the treeless prairies were being constantly visited 
by terrific storms, all of which combined to make the 
success of such an expedition seem like the last thing 
that could be expected. Doubt was strong that such 
a party would ever be able to reach its destination 
or offer succor to the settlers on the frontier even 
though it should be fortunate enough to reach them. 
It was finally decided that any attempt at relief 
would probably end in a needless sacrifice of human 
lives. In the light of future events it may be said 
that this decision was indeed a wise one.^*^ 



XII 
THE FIRST DAY OF THE MASSACRE 

Nothing is known of the Inkpaduta band from the 
time of the episode at Grillett's Grove until its ap- 
pearance at the lakes on the evening of Saturday, 
March 7, 1857. From events that followed, it is 
inferred that they were in a fiendish temper at the 
time of their arrival and that this temper deiveloped 
in intensity during their stay upon the Okoboji 
shores. The Indians celebrated their arrival by 
holding a war dance. Mrs. Sharp refers to this 
ceremony as a scalp dance; but such it could not 
have been, since with the Sioux as with other In- 
dians such a dance is held only when scalps have 
been taken. It is known positively that none had 
been taken up to the time of their arrival at the lakes. 

What must have been the feelings of the settlers 
when the Indians, arriving near sundown, began the 
celebration of the war dance of the Sioux! As the 
hideous painted forms of the red men in a half squat 
position, in short, quick jumps kept time to the weird 
accompaniment of the dance, lifting both feet from 
the ground at once, the settlers must have felt that 
something unusual was brewing. And when the 
cadence of the dance was momentarily stopped and 
the sharp cutting notes of the war whoop rent the 

94 



FIRST DAY OF THE MASSACRE 95 

frosty air one can scarcely imagine that they could 
have remained wholly ignorant of its purpose. And 
yet it is said that the settlers slept that night as 
they had slept before the appearance of the band; 
and on the ensuing morning they went quietly and 
calmly about the duties of their homes wondering, 
perhaps, when the Indians would leave. ^^" 

The people at the lakes had received no inkling of 
the events that had been transpiring to the south, 
for they w^ere isolated from all other white settle- 
ments. They had come to this region so late and 
under such circumstances that none of the settlers 
to the south knew they were there. Then, too, the 
character of the season and the difficulties of trans- 
portation were such that no one would think of 
making a journey in that direction. To the people 
who had settled along the Little Sioux relief lay in 
the direction from which they had come — which was 
also the direction of their source of supplies. Thus 
it happened that no warning of impending danger 
from Indian attacks was given to these advanced 
settlements. Having no information concerning the 
conduct of red men in the valley to the south, the 
settlers at the lakes did not anticipate any unfriendly 
acts upon the part of the Indians who were now in 
their midst. 

The Indians selected as a site for their camp a spot 
directly across the trail which led from the Gardner 
cabin to the Mattock cabin and from thence became 
the highway of communication between all' of the 
cabins of the settlement. Thus its location w^as 



96 THE SPIRIT LAKE MASSACRE 

strategic in an attack upon the settlers. For pur- 
poses of conducting their war dance it was necessary 
that the tepees should be so pitched as to surround 
a hollow square. It was directly across this square 
that the trail ran. Thus the Gardners were cut oif 
from the remainder of the settlement. That there 
was design in so placing the camp can not positively 
be asserted; but its location did have the effect of 
isolating the Gardners. 

The day before the arrival of the Indians, Luce and 
his three companions had come in from Shippey's, 
where Thatcher and Burtch had been left w^ith the 
exhausted oxen. The evening of their arrival had 
witnessed a slight moderation in the temperature 
which was still felt on the morning of the seventh. 
Everyone had begun to feel that possibly spring 
might not be far distant. 

During the absence of Luce and Thatcher it had 
been decided by the people of the settlement that 
Gardner should undertake a trip to Fort Dodge upon 
their return. Wants had arisen during their absence 
which it was believed could be satisfied by going to 
Fort Dodge as the nearest outpost for supplies. It 
was also deemed desirable to make the trip before 
the breaking of winter should render the roads im- 
passable. Thus, when Luce and Thatcher returned 
with the news that relief was near, Gardner at once 
began preparations to start upon his trip two days 
later or on the morning of Sunday, March eighth. 
The purpose of the trip was not only to secure food, 



FIRST DAY OF THE MASSACRE 97 

but also to purchase implements which would be 
needed in the spring's agricultural activities.^^^ 

The morning of March eighth dawned cold but 
clear and bright, forecasting for Gardner the likeli- 
hood of a pleasant first day's journey. Having 
learned from the accounts of Luce something of the 
condition of the prairie, Gardner arose early in order 
that as much as possible of his journey might be 
accomplished during the first day. Not only did 
Gardner himself arise early, but every member of 
his family did likewise in order that each might 
contribute something toward speeding him upon his 
journey. 

Breakfast having been prepared and placed upon 
the table by Mrs. Gardner and her daughter Mrs. 
Luce, the members of the family were gathering 
about the table when the latch of the door was 
lifted and a tall Indian stepped within the cabin 
with protestations of hunger and friendship. Mrs. 
Gardner at once prepared an additional place at 
the table which the Indian was invited to occupy. 
The Indian accepted this hospitality and seated 
himself with the family ; and all were soon engaged 
in partaking of the morning's meal. 

It soon developed that this Indian visitor was but 
a forerunner of more who were to follow. Before 
the meal had been finished the door was again 
opened and fourteen Indian warriors, besides 
women and children, crowded into the cabin. All 
demanded food, the while protesting friendship as 



98 THE SPIRIT LAKE MASSACRE 

the first comer had done. The Gardners at once 
set about the satisfaction of this demand as far as 
possible from their limited store. At first the 
Indians seemed concerned solely with the gratifica- 
tion of their appetites. But when their hunger had 
been appeased a member of the party suddenly be- 
came insolent. Then others in a sullen overbearing 
manner demanded various things other than food. 

The Indian who had been the first to enter the 
cabin now demanded that he be given ammunition. 
Another demanded gun-caps; and yet another 
asked for powder. Mr. Gardner, willing to ap- 
pease the Indians if possible and rid himself and 
family of the intruders, secured his box of gun-caps 
and prepared to distribute them to all. This did 
not prove to be satisfactory to one of the number 
who snatched the box from his hand, appropriating 
all the caps for himself. Upon the wall hung the 
powder-horn which another buck attempted to 
secure, but was prevented from doing so by Mr. 
Luce who at this moment interfered. This inter- 
ference angered the Indian who drew up and leveled 
his gun as if intending to shoot. But Luce was too 
alert for the Indian and struck the weapon from his 
hand. The Indians did not seem inclined to carry 
matters further and withdrew from the cabin — but 
in a very bad frame of mind.^^- 

As they were slowly and sullenly withdrawing 
from the Gardner cabin, Bertell E. Snyder and Dr. 
Harriott, from the cabin across the strait, appeared 
with letters which they wished to send with Gardner 



FIRST DAY OF THE MASSACRE 99 

to Fort Dodge. They had been unaware of the 
presence of the Indian camp until they had come 
to it that morning. Gardner expressed his fears 
of future trouble to these men who only ridiculed 
the thought, refusing to believe that there was any 
possibility of danger. Nevertheless, Gardner ad- 
vised that a warning be sent to the settlers urging 
them to concentrate at the Gardner cabin should 
trouble arise. To Harriott and Snyder this did not 
seem necessary : they left for home, protesting that 
there w^as no occasion for uneasiness. Gardner, 
however, told them that under the conditions then 
developing he did not plan to go to Fort Dodge. 

In the meantime the Indians had not returned to 
their camp, but were seen to be prowling about in 
the vicinity of the Gardner cabin. On their way 
home Harriott and Snyder met and did some trad- 
ing with a group of the red men by whom they had 
been intercepted. So sure were the two men that 
the Indians were friendly that they did not consider 
the fact of their presence worth mentioning as they 
passed the Mattock cabin. iVs a further indication 
of their confidence in the friendly character of the 
red men, it is noted that in a letter written by Dr. 
Harriott, presumably after his return from the 
Gardner cabin, he states that Indians had camped 
near by but they were very friendly and had oc- 
casioned no uneasiness among the settlers. 

At the same time the fears of the Gardners were 
increased by the sight of Indians in the near-by 
timber and bv occasional calls at the cabin where 



100 THE SPIRIT LAKE MASSACRE 

new demands were made, many of wliick could not 
be met. Although the Indians seemed to maintain 
a certain gravity of demeanor and apparently were 
only seeking to gratify their physical wants, 
Gardner remained firm in his conviction that trouble 
was brewing and that the remaining settlers should 
be warned of the impending danger. After much 
counselling it was decided that Luce and Clark 
should go at once by a roundabout path along the 
lake shore to warn the other settlers and to advise 
that they gather in the Mattock cabin as the one 
best adapted for defense. 

Luce and Clark set out upon their mission about 
two o'clock in the afternoon. They were to make 
their way first of all to the Mattock cabin, since it 
was nearer the Indian camp. Plans decided upon 
by Gardner, Luce, and Clark were also to be told to 
the Mattock people so that they might have ample 
opportunity to prepare for the proposed concentra- 
tion of the settlers. After this they were to go as 
far and as rapidly as possible on their work of 
warning the settlers on the east lake before nightfall 
would of necessity end their mission. ^^^ 

The fears of the people at the Gardner cabin 
had been considerably increased by the attitude of 
the Indians when they took their leave shortly af- 
ter noon. During the whole of the forenoon they 
had done no damage to property, and their only 
overt act had been their behavior within the cabin 
in the early morning. But they seem now to have 
suffered a change of mind, for as they moved away 



FIRST DAY OF THE MASSACRE 101 

toward their camp they drove before them the 
Gardner-Liiee cattle — about six in number — shoot- 
ing them as they proceeded. Apparently there was 
no motive in doing this — unless, perhaps, it was the 
fiendish satisfaction in the taking of life. They did 
not seem to want the cattle as food, since they left 
them untouched. 

About mid-afternoon a number of shots were 
heard in the direction of the Mattock cabin. As 
the afternoon wore away there came no evidence as 
to the meaning of the firing. The suspense became 
fearful as all manner of suggestions were offered 
in explanation of the shooting. Gardner reasoned 
that it could not have concerned Luce and Clark 
since they had had plenty of time to be further on 
their journey than the cabin of Mattock. Mrs. 
Luce became frantic, for she had believed from the 
first that her husband would never return. If the 
Indians should kill any one it would surely be Luce 
on account of his foiling the savages in their pur- 
pose in the morning; and in this intuition she was 
right. Luce and Clark had not gone far on their 
mission when they were intercepted and shot by the 
Indians. This fact, however, did not develop until 
weeks later when their dead bodies were found 
along the lake shore not a great distance from 
Luce's home. Thus no warning of peril reached the 
Mattock family. 

For two hours time dragged on slowly and fear- 
fully at the Gardner home : all eyes watched either 
for Indians or for the return of the messengers. 



102 THE SPIRIT LAKE MASSACRE 

Neither came. When the sun had sunk to the 
horizon Gardner stepped outside to look about. 
Suddenly he came running back calling that the 
Indians were coming. Upon entering the cabin he 
began barring the door, determined after the expe- 
rience of the morning not to allow the red men to en- 
ter. Mrs. Gardner objected that they should have 
faith in the good intentions of the Indians and that it 
was better for one not to shed the blood of another. 
Yielding to her importunities, Gardner desisted 
from barricading the door. The family now awaited 
in terror the second coming of the Indians. 

Looking through the windows they observed nine 
warriors hurrying toward them from the direction 
of the camp. With no more formality than during 
their morning visit they again entered the cabin. 
One glance sufficed to tell the frightened family 
that the anticipated trouble was upon them. The 
first demand of the Indians was for flour — not only 
for a part of what the Gardners had but for all. 
The scarcity of flour had been one of the reasons 
for the planned trip to Fort Dodge ; and yet, at the 
risk of causing his family to suffer privation, 
Gardner turned to the flour barrel to gratify the 
demands of the Indians. As he turned a buck raised 
his gun to shoot. It seems that either Mrs. Gardner 
or Mrs. Luce made a move to stay the act of the 
Indian, but failed. Gardner fell to the floor, the 
third victim of the Indian massacre at Okoboji. 
Having made a beginning, the Indians no longer 
restrained the impulses of their savage nature. 



FIRST DAY OF THE MASSACRE 103 

After the killing of Gardner their stay at Okoboji 
became a carnival of murder. 

As soon as Gardner fell, the quest for flour was 
lost sight of and the Indians turned upon the two 
women who had attempted to protect the object 
of their rage. Mrs. Luce and Mrs. Gardner were 
seized and held by several Indians while others beat 
them into insensibility and death w^ith the butts 
of their gams. This was but the work of a moment. 
Indeed, so quickly had it been done that Abbie 
Gardner did not see the act herself; in her later 
relations of the affair she relied wholly upon 
stories related to her frequently by the Indians in 
their flight following the massacre. Without pause 
Mr. and Mrs. Gardner and Mrs. Luce were scalped 
— an act of savagery w^hich the children were com- 
pelled to witness. When the Indians entered the 
cabin, Abbie was striving to quiet the younger child 
of her sister, while the other Luce child clung to one 
side of her chair and at the other side crouched Ab- 
bie 's brother, Eowland Gardner, Jr. 

Having destroyed the parents, the Indians now 
turned to the destruction of the children. Rowland 
Gardner and the two Luce children were torn away 
from Abbie and beaten to death against the posts 
of the door and the trunks of trees in the yard. 
Dropping the dead bodies upon the ground, the 
Indians appeared to counsel concerning the further 
disposition of the house and its only living inmate. 
At the close of their deliberation Abbie was seized 
by one of the Indians and, much to her surprise, 



104 THE SPIRIT LAKE MASSACRE 

was not killed but led away in the direction of the 
Indian camp. Her last sight of her family showed 
them strewn lifeless and bleeding about the doorstep 
of her home.^^* 

Before the Gardner cabin was deserted by the 
Indians it was completely ransacked. Chests were 
broken open and their contents scattered about the 
house and yard. All available food stores and 
clothing were carried away to the camp. Abbie 
had abundant opportunity to learn this when later 
about their evening camp fires bucks and squaws 
alike, arrayed in the clothing of the murdered people, 
wildly recounted the incidents of the day. Although 
she had been carried away from her home without 
any provision for clothing against the winter's cold, 
she was not allowed to share in the wearing of the 
stolen goods. Shivering from cold and fright, she 
witnessed the fiendish joy with which the events of 
that memorable day were told and retold by the 
Indians. 

As the evening wore on preparations for the scalp 
dance began. Soon the rhythmic cadence of the 
hideous dance song started, and the scalps of the 
day, elevated on the ends of long poles, could be 
seen swaying back and forth marking time with the 
movements of the women who bore them. At every 
shriek of the dancing women, the captive girl 
doubtless thought her time had come. In the dark- 
ness, lighted occasionally by the flaring of a fire- 
brand, the distorted and hideously painted faces of 
the savages swinging alternately backward and 



FIRST DAY OF THE MASSACRE 105 

forward in the dance must have seemed to the 
prisoner a veritable dance of demons. The dance 
lasted far into the night, with no sleep for the child 
who was momentarily expecting to fall a victim of 
savage fury. Toward morning the dance ended and 
the savages sought a brief respite in sleep to 
strengthen them for the work of the succeeding day. 
At the breaking of the early dawn the Indians were 
again astir, making preparations for a continuation 
of their bloody work.^^^ 

" While the inmates of the Gardner cabin were be- 
ing massacred similar events were transpiring at 
the home of the Mattocks. What actually happened 
at this cabin is not knowm, since no living witnesses, 
other than red men, survived to tell the tale. From 
the position of the bodies when found, it is inferred 
that the Mattocks must have sensed the situation; 
but thinking that their own home was lacking in 
security had started for the cabin of Harriott, 
Snyder, and Granger across the strait. Mrs. Sharp 
states that when the Indians brought her to their 
camp, which had been moved during the day and 
pitched near the Mattock home, the cabin was in 
flames and shrieks of human beings were issuing 
from it.^^'' But this could hardly have been true 
unless there were persons staying at the Mattock 
cabin unknown to others in the settlement, since all 
the people were later accounted for in the bodies 
found. 

Snyder, Harriott, and Harshman apparently dis- 
covered what was happening across the strait, and 



106 THE SPIRIT LAKE MASSACRE 

with rifles in hand came to the rescue. This is in- 
ferred from the fact that their bodies were found 
in company with those of the Mattocks. Eesistance 
had evidently been made by the men : it is not un- 
likely that they were attempting to cover the retreat 
of Mrs. Mattock and her children, since they were in 
advance, while Mattock, Snyder, Madison, Harsh - 
man, and Harriott were in the rear with the gun in 
each case lying by the side of the dead owner. Har- 
riott 's gun had its stock broken as if it had been 
used for a club after other means of defense had 
been exhausted. Further evidence that resistance 
was offered to the Indians is to be found in the fact 
that one young Indian was badly injured, possibly 
by Dr. Harriott. No one, however, was spared in the 
attack by the Indians at that point : the dead bodies 
of eleven persons were found on the path between 
the two cabins. These were later indentified as 
Mr. and Mrs. Mattcok, their five children. Dr. 
Harriott, Bertell Snyder, Robert Madison, and 
Joseph Harshman.'" To make the destruction 
more complete, fire was set to the Mattock cabin 
which was soon in ruins. 

It is said that, leaving the Gardner cabin shortly 
after noon, the Indians had gone to Mattock's cabin 
where they wished to get some hay with which to 
feed their ponies. While they were in the act of 
taking the hay objection was raised. A parley over 
the matter seems to have been carried on for some 
time before the Indians arrived at the killing point. 
Mattock sent to the Red Wing cabin for help, and 



FIRST DAY OF THE MASSACRE 107 

Harriott, Snyder, and Harshman responded. Mean- 
while the Indians appeared to withdraw, and it was 
probably decided by Mattock, as a measure of added 
safety, to take the members of his family to the Red 
Wing- cabin. They were in the act of doing so, Mrs. 
Mattock and the children ahead and the men in the 
rear guarding the retreat, when they were fired upon 
by the Indians from ambush. All were killed out- 
right except Harriott, who resisted and before being 
disposed of had badly wounded at least one 
Indian."" In their relation of the event the Indians 
spoke of all having left the cabin before it was 
destroyed by fire. 

Across the strait at the Red Wing or Granger 
cabin, Carl Granger, who for some reason remained 
at his cabin when the others crossed to the Mattock 
home, was brutally slain and scalped. The Indians 
killed him by splitting his head open with an ax 
which had evidently been taken from the wood pile 
near by.'^'' 

Thus the close of the first day of the massacre 
witnessed a toll of twenty lives. Three groups of 
settlers had been wholly wiped out — with the ex- 
ception of one child who was carried away into 
captivity. 



XIII 
THE SECOND DAY OF THE MASSACRE 

Although the scalp dance had continued far into 
the small hours of the previous night, the Indians 
were astir early on the morning of the ninth of 
March. They were determined upon completing the 
fiendish work which they had so well begun on the 
previous day. No council was held so far as the 
only white inmate of their tepees could discern. At 
the same time every Indian seemed to know where 
to go and what was to be done. There was no con- 
fusion of plans or hitch in their execution at any 
point. 

It was on the morning of March ninth that a 
portion of the Inkpaduta band started for the Howe 
and Thatcher cabins which were nearly three miles 
from the Indian encampment. As already noted, 
the settlers about the lakes had established a sort 
of mutual exchange system among themselves for 
the purpose of husbanding their food supplies during 
the absence of Luce and Thatcher on the expedition 
to Waterloo and other points in eastern Iowa. This 
morning Mrs. Howe discovered that the supply of 
meal was so nearly exhausted that it would be neces- 
sary to procure an additional supply from one of 
the neighbors. Thus it was that on this Monday 
108 



SECOND DAY OF TIIK MASSACRE 100 

morning Howe started on what proved to be a 
fateful trip to tlie home of either Gardner or 
Mattock. With his sack thrown over his shoulder 
he took the path along the south shore of the east 
lake. He was wholly ignorant of the recent arrival 
of the Indians. 

As Howe walked briskly along he may have been 
revolving in his mind possible plans for his work 
in the coming season; or he may have been 
speculating as to when his neighbor Thatcher would 
return from the trip back east. Possibly he was 
cherishing the hope that the privations of the winter 
might have ample compensation in an abundant 
harvest. Whatever his thoughts may have been 
as he w^alked along the lake, they were soon brought 
to an end by the Indians, who in all probability 
quickly disposed of their victim. The details of the 
murder are not known; but the badly mutilated 
body was later found and given burial by the Fort 
Dodge relief party. 

After murdering Howe the Indians stealthily 
hastened on to his cabin. Here the wife and chil- 
dren were as unprepared for the Indians as was 
the husband and father. Mrs. Howe was no doubt 
busy in the performance of her Monday morning 
duties. Engrossed with these activities she, in all 
likelihood, did not discover the approach of the red 
men until they were upon her. After killing Mrs. 
Howe the Indians proceeded to dispatch the remain- 
ing members of the family — a grown son and 
daughter, and three younger children. It seemed 



110 THE SPIRIT LAKE MASSACRE 



obvious to the members of the relief party, from the 
conditions which they found at the Howe cabin, 
that there had been no resistance offered to the 
Indians. No scalping was done here or at any other 
place after the red men had left the Mattock cabin. 
Nor did the savages stop to plunder or destroy after 
taking the lives of this family, but hurried on to the 
next stage in their work — which consisted of 
dealing death to the members of the Noble and 
Thatcher families. 

Arriving at the cabin of Noble and Thatcher the 
Indians secured admission by professing friendship. 
Here they made demands which could not be 
granted; and then, as at the Gardner home, they 
resorted to insult. Their insolence was resisted by 
Noble and one Ryan — a son-in-law of Howe who 
had but lately come from Hampton and was stajdng 
with the Nobles. This was evidently what the 
Indians desired, for without further provocation 
they shot both Ryan and Noble. The former was 
killed instantly; but Noble was able to walk to the 
door, where he fell dead after exclaiming "Oh, I am 
killed!" The two children were then torn from 
their mothers and dragged by the feet out of the 
house where they were dashed to death against the 
oak trees of the door yard. This > seems to have 
satisfied the Indians' desire for human blood, for 
they desisted from killing Mrs. Noble and Mrs. 
Thatcher. For some time the Indians busied them- 
selves in destroying hogs and cattle and in chasing 
the poultry. Finally, they returned to the cabin 



SECOND DAY OF THE MASSACRE 111 

where they ransacked its contents, destroying what 
they did not happen to want. In the end Mrs. Noble 
and Mrs. Thatcher were seized and led away as 
prisoners. 

Obviously the horrible work at the Howe cabin 
had not been completed to the satisfaction of the 
Indians, since upon their return trip they stopped 
and resumed the destruction of what life was still 
in evidence. Here a fearful sight met the eyes of 
the two captive women. Scattered about the door 
yard they saw the mutilated bodies of the members 
of the Howe family; while Mrs. Noble found the 
dead body of her mother under a bed where she had 
evidently crawled for the purpose of shielding 
herself from further attacks after she had been 
terribly beaten with a flatiron. In the yard Mrs. 
Noble found her thirteen year old brother Jacob, 
sitting propped up against a tree. He had been 
horribly beaten and evidently left for dead; but 
having managed to crawl to a tree he had raised 
himself to a sitting posture. Although conscious, 
he was unable to speak. Mrs. Noble urged him to 
make his way into the house and conceal himself in 
the clothing of a bed and there await rescue. The 
boy made the effort, but was discovered by the 
Indians and killed.^*^° 

Having completed their destructive work at the 
Howe cabin, the Indians hastened to their own camp. 
When Mrs. Noble and Mrs. Thatcher were brought 
into the camp, Abbie Gardner was permitted to visit 
them in the tepee set aside for the latest captives. 



112 THE SPIRIT LAKE MASSACRE 

For about an hour the three captives were permitted 
to talk over their experiences, after which they were 
separated. Thenceforth each captive was required 
to remain in a tepee wholly separated and isolated 
from the others. 

The captives were now subjected to training 
through which the Indians evidently hoped to 
re-make them into real pale-faced squaws. From 
the beginning they were required to paint their 
faces and dress their hair as Indians. They were 
frequently subjected to torturing ordeals which 
seemed to have no purpose other than that of noting 
what the reaction would be. At times they were, as 
far as the captives could discern, made ready for 
death so that the red men might see how they would 
behave under such trying conditions. Guns and 
revolvers would be loaded and with drawn triggers 
pointed at them as with intent to shoot, but no 
shooting occurred. These feints at shooting fur- 
nished the Indians a great deal of what appeared to 
be real amusement. For days they would recite 
again and again the details of the massacre at the 
lakes. But this treatment was only a foretaste of 
what was in store for the captives. For weeks, until 
they were released by death or ransom, they were 
to be subjected to nearly every annoyance that the 
ingenuity of the Indians might invent."^ 



XIV 
FROM OKOBOJI TO HERON LAKE 

Following the massacre little was done by tlie 
Indians except to search the vicinity of the lakes for 
the homes of other settlers. And so for a brief 
time sconting parties were at work ; but obviously no 
other cabins were found, since the parties returned 
empty-handed. On the morning of Tuesday, March 
tenth, the camp was broken, West Okoboji was 
crossed on the ice, and after a move of three miles 
to the northwest, camp was again pitched in what 
v/as known as the Madison Grove. The Indians 
seemed inclined to move very deliberately. This 
may be accounted for by the fact that they knew 
they were not pursued. x\t the Madison Grove they 
remained but one night, and at early dawn of the 
eleventh they moved north to a grove beyond the 
cabin of William Marble on the southwest shore of 
Spirit Lake. 

From Gillett's Grove the journey for the Indians 
had become easier inasmuch as they had procured 
horses and sleds. These must have been obtained 
by scouting parties while the main body was en- 
camped at Lost Island Lake. Since the Indians 
had not learned how to hitch the horses to the sleds 
Abbie Gardner, Mrs. Noble, and Mrs. Thatcher now 

113 



114 THE SPIRIT LAKE MASSACRE 

undertook the task of teaching them how to handle 
horses and sleds with the thought that travelling 
might be made easier. In this they were mistaken ; 
for no sooner had the red men learned their lessons 
than the bucks took to riding while the squaws and 
captives were required to walk and carry the heavy 
packs for the whole party. The horses and sleds 
were for pleasure and not for the transportation of 
freight and workers. 

So deliberate were the movements of the band 
that although the camp was broken up early in the 
morning of Wednesday, the eleventh, it was not 
pitched at the new place, which was only a few miles 
to the north of Marble's cabin, until late in the after- 
noon of the same day. As the Indians proceeded they 
made numerous side trips, partly for scouting pur- 
poses and partly for the pursuit of game. Fre- 
quently the squaws and captives found it necessary 
to pause in their march, in order that the bucks 
might make these side excursions. Under more 
favorable conditions this would have been most wel- 
come as a relief from fatigue, but now each stop was 
anticipated as a period of intense suffering from 
cold and exposure. 

As the sun approached the western horizon the 
Indians began to exert themselves in quest of a 
suitable camping place for the night. After no little 
inspection of their surroundings, they decided to 
camp north of the Marble grove. In reaching this 
spot they had so circled the Marble cabin that they 
were not seen by the Marbles ; nor had the captives 



FROM OKOBOJI TO HERON LAKE 115 

seen the cabin of their white neighbors. Althongh 
the captives could discern that a council was held 
that evening, they had no means of ascertaining its 
purpose. 

Thursday, March twelfth, was a day of inactivity 
in the camp : the Indians spent the time in gorging 
themselves upon what food remained from their 
raids upon the larders and barnyards of the un- 
fortunate white settlers. Nor is the statement fully 
substantiated that on Thursday a friendly Indian 
visited the Marbles and informed them that the 
settlers to the south had all been killed a day or two 
previously. Even though the suspicion of the 
Marbles had possibly been aroused, the depth of the 
snow would have made it difficult if not impossible 
for them to get out and attempt a verification of the 
Indian's statement. Moreover, it does not appear 
that the Marbles took precautions against possible 
surprise. ^'^- 

Upon the morning of Friday, the thirteenth, the 
Indians are said to have arisen early and with great 
care removed from their faces the paint which until 
now had indicated that they were on the w^arpath 
and which w^ould have served as a warning to the 
Marbles whom they were now planning to visit.'*^^ 
Approaching the cabin they signalled protestations 
of friendship. Upon being invited to enter they set 
their guns down just without the door. This little 
procedure attracted the attention of Mrs. Marble, 
who had never before seen an Indian leave his gun 
outside the cabin. The Marbles had just risen from 



116 THE SPIRI T LAKE MASSACRE 

the breakfast table when the Indians were seen to 
emerge from the timber and approach the house. 
Having entered the cabin the guests asked for food 
— a request which Mrs. Marble at once set about to 
gratify. While she was doing so the Indians, noting 
Marble's gun, bantered him for a trade. Marble 
accepted the banter, and soon a deal was completed 
for one of the Indian guns. The outcome of the 
trade seemed to be a matter of no little elation for 
the Indians who hilariously turned to the food which 
had been placed before them. 

After eating, the Indian with whom the trade 
had been made proposed that the relative worth 
of the guns should be determined by their actual use 
and indicated a desire for target practice. Although 
Mrs. Marble protested the advisability of such a 
contest her husband agreed to the proposal. When 
a suitable wooden slab had been secured and set up 
the practice shooting was begun. All went well, the 
Indians appearing to enjoy the sport immensely, 
until the impact of the shots caused the target to 
fall. The Indians indicated to Marble that he 
should replace the slab. Laying down his gun. 
Marble stepped out from the group. This guileless 
act on the part of Marble gave the Indians their 
opportunity for treachery. When the white men 
had gone but a short distance the Indians, as if by 
preconcerted action, raised their guns, took aim at 
Marble, and fired. Marble instantly fell dead. 

Meanwhile, Mrs. Marble had been standing at the 
window watching the target work. When she saw 



FROM OKOBOJI TO HERON LAKE 117 

her husband lay down his gun and start to replace 
the mark she divined that treachery would follow. 
And so she left the window and started forward to 
warn her husband when the volley was fired into 
his back. Fleeing from the cabin, Mrs. Marble 
started for the timber ; but she was soon overtaken 
and dragged back to the scene of her husband's 
death and by signs told that she was to be held as 
a captive. Following the shooting the cabin was 
pillaged and Marble was stripped of a leather belt 
containing a thousand dollars in gold which he had 
planned to use in improving his claim at the earliest 
opportunity.^*^* 

With Mrs. Marble the Indians quickly returned to 
camp. Again, as after the taking of Mrs. Noble and 
Mrs. Thatcher, the captives, now four in number, 
were permitted to meet in the same tepee, while the 
Indians busied themselves in the adjustment of other 
matters. The meeting was brief and once again the 
captives were completely isolated from each other. 
That evening the events of the day were celebrated 
by a dance. 

The massacre of Marble was the last act in the 
Indian attacks upon the white settlements at the 
lakes. Only four individuals had survived to tell 
the story of the frightful deeds committed since the 
morning of Sunday, March eighth. Of the four, only 
two were destined to return to the homes of friends 
or relatives and relate their tales of suffering and 
Indian cruelties. 

When the work of destruction of the settlements 



118 THE SPIRIT LAKE MASSACRE 

along- the shores of East Okoboji, West Okoboji, and 
Spirit Lake was completed with the shooting of 
Marble, the total number of human lives taken 
reached thirty-two. The list comprised the follow- 
ing persons: Eobert Clark, Rowland Gardner, 
Francis M. Gardner, Rowland Gardner, Jr., Carl 
Granger, Joseph Harshman, Isaac H. Harriott, 
Joel Howe, Millie Howe, Jonathan Howe, Sardis 
Howe, Alfred Howe, Jacob Howe, Philetus Howe, 
Harvey Luce, Mary M. Luce, Albert Luce, Amanda 
Luce, William Marble, James H. Mattock, Mary M. 
Mattock, Alice Mattock, Daniel Mattock, Agnes Mat- 
tock, Jacob M. Mattock, Jackson A. Mattock, Robert 
Madison, Alvin Noble, John Noble, Enoch Ryan, 
Bertell E. Snyder, and Dora Thatcher."'^ 

The tale is told that, before leaving the region of 
the lakes, the Indians left a record of their deeds. 
They are reputed to have stripped the bark from the 
trunk of a large tree in the Marble grove and upon 
the white surface recorded in black paint a detailed 
description of their exploits. The number of cabins 
they had visited was shown as six, while the largest, 
presumably the Mattock cabin, was represented as 
in flames. The number of persons whose lives had 
paid the forfeit of their visit was also to be seen — 
each individual being so drawn as to show the posi- 
tion in which he had been left by his murderers. An 
attempt was even made to distinquish white men 
from red men — the white people being shown as 
pierced by arrows. This pictographic reproduction 
of the massacre is said to have remained clearly 



FROM OKOBOJI TO HERON LAKE 119 

visible for many years after the massacre and was 
frequently visited by interested or curious persons 
who came to the region/'^'' 

Upon leaving the Marble grove, Inkpadnta and 
his band moved leisurely in a northwestward direc- 
tion. From the time of their departure from this 
point, the lot of the captives grew steadily more dif- 
ficult to bear. The snows of winter melted under 
the influence of the spring sun on occasional days 
and caused the prairie trails to become two or three 
feet deep in slush, except on the exposed knolls 
w^hich the winds had swept free from snow. In such 
places an opportunity was afforded the burden 
bearers to stand on reasonably solid footing. Not 
infrequently they would be compelled to flounder 
through g-ullies and ravines ten or twelve feet deep 
in soft, yielding snow; while an occasional stream 
must be waded waist deep in icily cold water. This 
made the plight of the unfortunate white women 
doubly hard. 

Mrs. Thatcher, who had not ])een in good health at 
the beginning of her captivity, found the beariiig 
of the burdens imposed upon her and the long, weari- 
some marches under such conditions nearly unen- 
durable, but she sustained her strength with the 
hope that relief would come in time. The sublimity 
of her faith in rescue was of great inspiration to her 
companion sufferers who otherwise would soon have 
lost all hope. But, despite their faith and hope, the 
captives daily noted that their journey was leading 
them steadily farther away from the bounds of civi- 



120 THE SPIRIT LAKE MASSACRE 

lization. No stop longer than over night was made 
by the Indians at any point in their march for nearly 
two weeks, when they arrived at Heron Lake, Min- 
nesota, about thirty miles northwest of Spirit Lake 
and seventeen miles in the same direction from 
Springfield, Minnesota. 

The encampments of the Indians from the time 
of leaving Spirit Lake had been of the most 
temporary character, but upon reaching Heron Lake 
preparations were made for a camp of many days 
duration. After completing the camp, Inkpaduta's 
band at once prepared for a raid upon the white 
settlements in the vicinity. The warrior members 
of the band bedaubed their faces with paint, while 
the squaws hastened their departure by putting the 
w^eapons in condition and aiding in various minor 
ways. When all preparations had been completed, 
each warrior ''with rifle in hand and scalping knife 
in belt" sallied forth to the taking of more human 
lives. The squaws and papooses were left at the 
camp to guard the captives, and upon the departure 
of the war party the women took every possible 
means of acquainting the captives with the fact that 
the expedition was one against the whites. It soon 
developed, from the direction taken by the party, 
that Springfield was their objective point."'^ 

The food which the Indians had taken from the 
cabins of the massacred settlers was now nearly ex- 
hausted. Hence, upon the departure of the war- 
riors there was rejoicing among the squaws who saw 
in the expedition the possibility of more feasting. 



FROM OKOBOJI TO HERON LAKE 121 

But what of the feelings of the captives f Who can 
picture the condition of the mind of Abbie Gardner 
when she realized that the Indians were bound for 
Springfield? There in the home of Dr. Strong was 
her sister, Eliza, who except for herself, was the only 
surviving member of the family that had come into 
the West. In all probability Eliza was doomed to 
the same fate as Abbie had seen meted out to her 
father, mother, relatives, and friends. The pos- 
sibility was too horrible for contemplation. The 
mental angiiish of the young girl became almost 
more than could be endured; but the hope of some 
saving miracle working for the life of her sister sus- 
tained her for the days of waiting that were to 
elapse before the return of the war pai'ty. 



XV 

NEWS OF THE MASSACRE REACHES 
SPRINGFIELD AND FORT RIDGELY 

Mori-is Markham, who had followed the Okohoji 
settlers to the lake region, spent the winter in trap- 
ping along the lakes and in the marshes of the Upper 
Des Moines. He had brought with him a yoke of 
oxen which, during the early days of the winter, had 
strayed away and were thought to be somewhere in 
the valley of the Des Moines. But they could not 
be located ; and finally the effort to trace them was 
abandoned. No information concerning their where- 
abouts had been received until the sixth of March, 
when Luce brought word that the oxen were to be 
found at Big Island Grove in Emmet County. On 
the following morning Markham left for Big Island 
Grove where he discovered and identified his proper- 
ty. After spending a few hours in visiting the set- 
tlers he started upon the return trip to the cabin of 
Noble and Thatcher. Owing to the state of the 
weather and the conditions of travel, he did not 
attempt to bring the oxen back at this time, but re- 
turned alone and on foot. 

Owing to his imperfect knowledge of the country 
and to the darkness that had settled down before he 
had come within known territory, Markham missed 
122 



NEWS OF THE MASSACRE 123 

tlie cabin he was seeking and found himself instead 
at the Gardner home. As he approached the cabin 
he was surprised to find it deserted. No light could 
be seen nor was any sound to be heard. Looking 
more closely he saw the mutilated bodies of the Gard- 
ners scattered about the yard; and upon entering 
the open door of the cabin he beheld the l)adly pil- 
laged condition of the once happy home. 

It was nearly eleven o'clock on the Monday night 
following the attack upon the Gardners when Mark- 
ham reached the scene of desolation and horror. 
Since he had been walking from early morning and 
had traveled more than thirty miles he felt the need 
of rest and food, and so without delay set out for the 
Mattock cabin. He had not gone far when he was 
startled by the barking of a dog in the low brush 
just ahead. Stopping and peering through the 
shrul)s he saw directly across his path the camp in 
which the Indians were then sitting in solemn council 
over the events of the day. The barking of the dog 
for some unexplainable reason passed wholly un- 
heeded by the Indians who continued in consultation 
over their fiendish deeds. Markham slipped by 
them and hastened as rapidly as he could across the 
ice of the east lake to the place he called home. 

Upon his arrival at the Howe cabin the same scene 
of violence, confusion, and desolation greeted him. 
Sickened at the horrible sight, cold, hungry, and 
exhausted he pushed on to the home of Noble and 
Thatcher, hoping that there all would be well. In- 
stead, he found only an empty cabin and murdered 



124 THE SPIRIT LAKE MASSACRE 

friends. Afraid to pass the remainder of the night 
in a cabin which had been so fearfully visited, he 
dragged himself to a near-by timbered ravine where 
he remained until dawn. Fearful that if he lay 
down he would fall asleep and freeze to death — for 
the night was bitterly cold — he kept moving through 
a limited section of the ravine. ^*^^ 

With the coming of daylight Markham set out for 
the nearest settlement, which was Granger's Point 
on the Des Moines River. With feet already badly 
bruised and frozen he journeyed on to spread the 
tidings of what he had discovered. Famished and 
half frozen, he struggled for eighteen miles through 
obstacles that would have deterred all but the most 
heroic. Completely exhausted from continuous ex- 
posure for thirty-six hours, he finally reached the 
home of George Granger, where he related the story 
of what he had seen. 

Two trappers who happened to be staying tem- 
porarily at the Granger home started at once down 
the Des Moines Valley for Fort Dodge. Upon ar- 
riving at Fort Dodge they told the tale of the terri- 
ble massacre at the lakes, but their story was so 
confusing and incoherent that they were not be- 
lieved. Those who had authority refused to act 
upon this recital of events; and thus it came about 
that the first warning of trouble along the frontier 
went unheeded."^ 

Resting for only a brief time at the Granger home, 
Markham accompanied by George Granger started 
north to Springfield to warn that group of settlers 



NEWS OF THE MASSACRE 125 

against the Indians who had stricken Okoboji. It 
had occurred to them that the red men miglit also 
visit the Minnesota settlement; and they hox)ed to 
reach the place before the Indians appeared and 
thus prevent a repetition of the affair at the lakes. 

At Springfield these bearers of bad tidings had a 
wholly different reception than that accorded the 
men w^ho carried the news to Fort Dodge. No 
sooner did the people at this place become aware of 
the outbreak than they took measures looking to- 
ward protection from a similar attack. The com- 
ing of Markham and Granger was indeed fortunate, 
for if the information had not reached them when it 
did it is not unlikely that the settlers of Springfield 
would have met a fate similar to that of the people 
at Okoboji. 

While some of the settlers fled at once upon re- 
ceipt of the news, others remained; and a few gave 
their lives as the price of refusal to believe that 
danger was imminent. Among these was the Indian 
trader and settlement storekeeper, William Wood, 
who steadfastly refused to believe that a massacre 
would be attempted at Springfield. His refusal to 
believe that the community was in danger was doubt- 
less due to the fact that he had traded with the In- 
dians for years and did not note, in his recent deal- 
ings with them, any cause for alarm.'^° 

The thought uppermost in the minds of most mem- 
bers of the settlement was to send a relief party to 
the lakes at once. After some deliberation this was 
deemed unwise: soberer second thought convinced 



126 THE SPIRIT LAKE MASSACRE 

them that it would be better to take measures for 
their own protection. At the time there were fifteen 
able-bodied men and about twelve adult women in 
the village.''' This number, it was argued, would 
make a reasonably efficient fighting force in case of 
attack — although they realized that they would be 
able to resist for only a brief time, since they were 
in no condition for a prolonged defense. And so it 
was decided to send messengers to the United States 
military authorities at Fort Ridgely for aid. 

Tm^o young men, Joseph B. Cheffins who had come 
thither with the trader William Wood, and a young 
German, Henry Tretts, were selected to bear the 
message for help to the Lower Agency of the 
Sioux.'" These men carried with them a written 
statement of facts which was signed by individuals 
at Springfield who personally knew the agent of the 
Lower Sioux at Red Wood.'" Cheffins and Tretts 
left Springfield at once, but they were not able to 
reach the Lower Agency until the eighteenth. 

The trip was one of unusual privation. Owing to 
the exigencies of the situation, the men had left 
hastily and without making adequate preparation 
for the hardships of such a journey. The direct 
distance between the two points was not greater than 
seventy miles, but owing to difficulties encountered 
they had been obliged to detour and thus the dis- 
tance traveled was more than one hundred miles. 
Under the most favorable conditions they made but 
little better than fifteen miles per day. The trip was 
undertaken on foot through deep snow and for most 



NEW^4 OF THE MASSACRE 127 

of the way under the disabling effects of a dazzling 
sun. When the Lower Agency was reached they 
could scarcely see — so severely were they sulfering 
from snow blindness. They were also physically ex- 
hausted, for they had traveled almost continuously 
with but very little rest. After their arrival they 
were forced to remain in bed for two days before 
they were able to begin the return journey to Spring- 
field.^^* 



XVI 
RELIEF SENT FROM FORT RIDGELY 

Charles E. Flandrau was at tliis time the agent for 
the Lower Sioux, and as soon as he was informed 
of the situation to the south he proceeded at once 
to Fort Ridgely, w^hich was located on the Minnesota 
River fourteen miles southeast of the agency. Here 
he immediately had an interview with Colonel E. B. 
Alexander of the Tenth Infantry who was then in 
command of the post. As the result of this confer- 
ence, Colonel Alexander, on the morning of the nine- 
teenth, ordered Company D of the Tenth Infantry, 
under the command of Captain Barnard E. Bee''^ 
and Lieutenant Alexander Murry, to prepare for an 
expedition to Springfield and if need be to Spirit 
Lake. So expeditiously did the military authori- 
ties operate that at half past twelve, less than three 
hours and a half after the order was issued. Captain 
Bee with a company of forty-eight men was on the 
march to the scene of reported trouble."** 

Realizing that if they wished to make any consid- 
erable progress the company must travel by some 
other means than on foot, the expedition started in 
sleds drawn by mules. The original intention was 
to strike directly across the country in order to reach 
the afflicted people as soon as possible. But this 

128 



RELIEF SENT FROM FORT RIDGELY 129 

route had to be abandoned, for it was soon found to 
be impracticable owing to the depth of the snow. 
Captain Bee in reporting upon the march stated that 
he took, "by advice of experienced guides, a long 
and circuitous route down the valley of the Minne- 
sota, as far as South Bend, for the purpose of fol- 
lowing, as long as possible, a beaten track." 

Concerning the difficulties encountered on the trip 
Captain Bee reported that "the season was unpro- 
pitious for military operations; the snow lay in 
heavy masses on the track which I was following, 
but these masses were thawing and could not bear 
the weight of the men, much less that of the heavy 
sleds with which I was compelled to travel. 

"The narrative of a single day's march is the his- 
tory of the whole: wading through deep drifts; 
cutting through them with the spade and shovel; 
extricating mules and sleighs from sloughs, or drag- 
ging the latter up steep hills or over bare spaces of 
prairie; the men wet from morning till night, and 
sleeping on the snow. Such were the obstacles I 
encountered wdiile still on the beaten track, the ter- 
minus of which was a farm belonging to a man ])y 
the name of Slocum. From this point to the Des 
Moines was an unbroken waste of snow. "^" 

The route mentioned by Captain Bee would have 
taken him down the valley of the Minnesota for 
forty-five miles to Mankato — every mile of which 
would have carried him east of his objective point, 
Springfield. From Mankato, it must have been 
necessary to double back for twenty-five miles fol- 



130 THE SPIRIT LAKE MASSACRE 

lowing the course of the Watonwan to Madelia, a 
few miles southwest of which was the farm of Isaac 
Slocum. This was as far as any road could be fol- 
low^ed, since the region beyond was a wilderness. 
Indeed Slocum 's was the westernmost white settle- 
ment in that section of the country. Captain Bee 
was still nearly fifty miles to the northeast of Spring- 
field. 

At the mouth of the Little Rock River, only a few 
miles below Fort Ridgely, Captain Bee secured a 
young half-breed guide, Joseph La Framboise, who 
was reputed to know the country well. But under 
the conditions then existing no guide could be ex- 
pected to be infallible. The difficulties encountered 
only attested too well what could be looked forward 
to in the future. Agent Flandrau and his interpre- 
ter Philander Prescott, a French Canadian voy- 
ageur, also accompanied the party. 

According to Flandrau "the first day's march was 
appalling." Indeed, at the close of this first day's 
struggling he was willing to call the whole under- 
taking hopeless, because so "much time had elapsed 
since the murders were committed, and so much more 
would necessarily be consumed before the troops 
could possibly reach the lake, that I felt assured that 
no good could result from going on".^'* On the fol- 
lowing day Flandrau and Prescott, w^ith "a light 
sleigh and a fine team", forged ahead to Slocum 's 
farm in the hope of learning more details of what 
had taken place at the lakes. Finding the road 
beyond this point impassable they turned back. At 



RELIEF SENT FROM FORT RIDGELY i;]l 

South Bend, on March twenty-second, they met 
Captain Bee's expeditionary force. Feeling the 
absohite impossibility of pushing beyond Slocum's, 
they advised him to turn back."^ Although Captain 
Bee admitted the apparent hopelessness of the 
task, his military training prompted him to reply: 
"My orders are to go to Spirit Lake, and to do 
what I can. It is not for me to interpret my orders, 
but to obey them. I shall go on until it becomes 
physically impossible to proceed further. It will 
then be time to turn back".'^'^ And so he pressed 
on. 

On the morning of March twenty-sixth Captain 
Bee and his company of men left Slocum's for 
Springfield.''' Thus it happened that on the same 
morning that Inkpaduta and his party left Heron 
Lake, taking the direction of Springfield, the Fort 
Ridgely relief party left Slocum's, pushing toward 
the same point. But mark the difference in their 
relative rate of progress. Wliile Captain Bee, en- 
cumbered with the ponderous army equipment, 
found progress nearly impossible, Inkpaduta, un- 
impeded by equipment of any kind save rifles and 
scalping knives, easily covered the distance from 
Heron Lake to Spring-field in one day. 



XVII 

PREPAKATIONS FOR DEFENSE AT SPRING- 
FIELD 

Springfield had been located and platted by the 
Indian traders, George and AVilliam Wood, who 
built their post on the west side of the Des Moines ; 
while the settlers who came later, mostly from Iowa, 
selected claims and built cabins on the east side of 
the river. The cabins of the settlers were not close- 
ly grouped, but were scattered up and down the river 
valley for seven or eight miles. Owing to this isola- 
tion the settlers could not be of much service to each 
other in the matter of defense. Moreover, the dif- 
ficulty of successful individual defense was appre- 
ciated; and so at the conference which followed the 
arrival of Markham and Granger, it was decided to 
concentrate so far as possible. 

In this conference the Wood brothers did not 
participate, as they scouted even the possibility of 
trouble — so confident were they of the friendliness 
of the Indians and of their own ability to keep them 
from hostile acts. According to Jareb Palmer, the 
Woods believed that only two houses had been 
robbed at the lakes, that the robbery had been laid 
to the Indians for no good reason whatever, and 
that in all likelihood it "had been done by the whites, 

132 



DEFENSE AT SPRINGFIELD 133 

as there had been some difficulty at the Lake in re- 
gard to claims. ' ' ^''" 

Having decided to concentrate, the Si^ringfield 
settlers selected the cabins of James B. Thomas and 
William T. Wheeler as the points of defense. The 
Thomas cabin was distant about one and a half 
miles from the Wood brothers' store, and the 
Wheeler cabin about three-quarters of a mile beyond 
that of Thomas. Various reasons led to the selec- 
tion of these cabins, the principal of which were 
their size and the great strength with which they 
had been built. In the end it appears that not all 
of the settlers were gathered in these two cabins. 
The Joshua Stewart family, consisting of Mr. Stew- 
art, Mrs. Stewart, and three children, were origi- 
nally at the Thomas cabin ; but owing to the physical 
condition of Mrs. Stewart, who had been over- 
wrought by the fear of Indian attack, and the too 
crowded condition at the Thomas home, it was nec- 
essary for the family to return to their own home. 
This they did after a stay of two or three days at 
the Thomas cabin. ^*^ The Stewart cabin was located 
about one-half mile from that of Thomas. 

At the Thomas cabin there remained nineteen in- 
dividuals — the major portion of the settlement. 
These included Mr. and Mrs. James B. Thomas and 
six children, the oldest of whom was about thirteen; 
Mrs. E. B. N. Strong and two children; Mrs. Wil- 
liam L. Church, two small children, and a sister, 
Miss Drusilla Swanger; Miss Eliza Gardner, a 
daughter of Rowland Gardner who was massacred 



134 THE SPIRIT LAKE MASSACRE 

at Okoboji; John Bradsliaw, Morris Markham, and 
David N. Carver.^^* At the Wheeler cabin were col- 
lected Mr. and Mrs. J. B. Skinner and two children; 
Mr. and Mrs. William Nelson and one child ; Mr. and 
Mrs. Robert Smith ; John Henderson ; and the httle 
son of Adam P. Shiegley.'"' Meanwhile a number 
of jjeople had fled from the settlement as soon as the 
news of the massacre at the lakes had arrived. Thus, 
collected in two or three groups the Springfield set- 
tlers continued to live for several days without any 
sign of the approach of hostile Indians. In time 
their vigil relaxed, and at intervals a settler would 
leave the cabin to secure some much needed article. 
At no time for many days was anyone able to note 
any real cause for alarm in what was seen or heard. 
The Thomas cabin, about which most of the events 
centered, was located in the edge of the timber which 
bordered the river. The design of the dwelling was 
that of the double type, each section being about six- 
teen feet square and joined by what was known in 
pioneer phraseology as a ''dog trot" — a narrow 
and somewhat open connecting passageway. One 
part was used as a kitchen and a general living- 
room; while the other part was reserved as a sitting- 
room, which on occasion served as a spare bed-room. 
The one room faced the prairie; while the other 
looked out upon the timber of the river. The win- 
dows had been so placed that through them a view 
in all cardinal directions might be secured — which 
in addition to the port-holes was deemed a wise pre- 
caution. About ten rods from the cabin, and in the 



DEFENSE AT SPRINGFIELD 135 

edge of the timber, was the stable, near which were 
a hay rack and some stacks of hay. Beyond these 
was a ravine which descended rapidly to the river.""' 
( )ut npon the open prairie, nearly three-fourths of a 
mile away, was the cabin of Adam Shiegley. 

On the tenth day of March — before the arrival of 
Granger and Markham — Jareb Palmer and Na- 
thaniel Frost had gone to the Slocum farm for the 
purpose of bringing home some supplies which had 
been abandoned some time previously in the drifts a 
few miles from the farm house. After an absence 
of nine days they returned on March nineteenth. 
The first house of the settlement readied by them 
was the store of the Wood brothers. Upon enter- 
ing they found two strange Indians, ' ' each of whom 
had a double barrelled gun, a tommy hawk and knife ; 
one of them a very tall Indian was painted black; 
they were very busy trading and did not seem in- 
clined to talk much, but said they were from Spirit 
Lake and that there were twenty lodges of them, all 
of whom would be at Springfield in two days. They 
purchased a keg of powder, some shot, lead, blankets, 
beads and other trinkets."'" When they had com- 
pleted their varied purchasing, which amounted in 
all to more than eighty dollars, they paid for them 
in gold, which act aroused the curiosity of Frost 
and Palmer, as gold was an almost unknown form 
of money in that region.'"' 

Before these Indians had completed their trading 
and departed, two friendly Indians, Umpashota, or 
Smoky Moccasin, and Black Buffalo, entered and 



136 THE SPIRIT LAKE MASSACRE 

greeted them in a cordial manner. The two groups 
were soon engaged in conversation which grew ex- 
cited and ended in the abrupt departure of the 
strangers. On the same day, Smoky Moccasin, for 
some reason that did not appear clear, moved his 
tepees to Coursalle's trading post.'*^ On the fol- 
lowing day when he was interrogated by George 
Wood as to what he knew of the visiting Indians, 
Smoky Moccasin admitted that he had been told 
that "they had raided the Spirit Lake settlements, 
and killed all the inmates, except four young women 
prisoners without having one of their number in- 
jured in any manner." When questioned further 
he ''said he feared they were lingering somewhere 
in the neighborhood and intended more mischief. 
'At any rate' said the Moccasin, 'I am going to re- 
main close to my camp for awhile.' "^°° 

In spite of this evidence of Indian activity and the 
promise of a visitation the Wood brothers remained 
unconvinced that danger lurked near, and ridiculed 
the fears of the settlers on the east side of the river. 
But they were not the only ones who were now 
doubting Markham's story: the failure of the Indian 
attack to develop had caused several of the settlers 
to ask why they had grown so alarmed. Among 
them gradually developed a feeling that they would 
like to hear a version of the story from one of their 
own number. Thus it transpired that Jareb Palmer 
volunteered to go to the lakes if some other man 
would accompany him. Markham, anxious to prove 
the correctness of what he had told, expressed his 



DEFENSE AT SPRINGFIELD 137 

willingness to make the return trip. On Saturday 
morning, March twenty-tirst, the pair set out, car- 
rying supplies for a journey of two days. They 
planned to go first to the Marble cabin, and if all 
was well there they would go on down to the lower 
settlements on Okoboji. They had been instructed 
by the Springfield people to return at once if they 
found that the Marble cabin had been plundered 
and that the evidence of Indian attack was plain. 

Having no definite route which they could follow 
with assurance, the men struck out boldly to the 
southwest across the trackless prairie in the general 
direction of the lakes. Without incident or loss of 
way they reached Spirit Lake and made their way 
to the Marble cabin, which was found deserted. A 
closer examination revealed the fact that trunks 
had been broken open and the contents of the house 
scattered everywhere. The ])ody of Mr. Marble, 
however, was nowhere to be seen. Signs about the 
cabin seemed to suggest that the place had been 
visited some five days before the arrival of the men 
from Springfield, although there were fresh mocca- 
sin tracks along the lake shore which appeared to 
be only one day old. After examining the situation 
carefully the men decided to return at once, as 
enough had been seen to convince them that Indians 
had been there. Palmer was firmly convinced that 
Markham's story was only too true. The return 
trip was made during the afternoon and the early 
evening of the same dav mthout incident.^''' 



XVIII 
INKPADUTA ATTACKS SPRINGFIELD 

The morning of March twenty-sixth dawned 
bright at Springfield ; and the settlers at the Thomas 
cabin were astir early making preparations for the 
expected attack. The messengers from Spirit Lake 
had retnrned and no one longer doubted the strong 
possibility that Springfield wonld be visited by the 
Indians. While the supply of food, fire-arms, and 
ammunition wdiich they had procured was sufficient 
for a resistance of some days, there was a shortage 
of wood. And so, on the morning of the twenty- 
sixth a number of the settlers were out chopping 
and hauling wood. As they carried on their prep- 
arations they hoped that the soldiers from Fort 
Ridgely would soon appear bringing the needed re- 
lief and protection. Cheffins and Tretts had been 
gone nearly two weeks ; surely relief could now be 
expected any day or hour. Happy in the expecta- 
tion that relief must be near the settlers slackened 
still more the vigil which they had been keeping 
and became somewhat careless. The forenoon wore 
away without incident, and a generous supply of 
wood was accumulated which would last for several 
days. 

"While preparations were thus going forward, 

138 



INKPADUTA ATTACKS SPRINGFIELD 139 

Inkpaduta and his band of red men were hastening 
from Heron Lake toward Springfield. The wily 
Inkpaduta did not wish to make a precipitate at- 
tack, for his spies sent out on the nineteenth had 
probably informed him of how the settlers were 
preparing for opposition. As his party stole into 
the timber along the Des Moines near the Thomas 
cabin, he sent scouts forward to reconnoiter. Thus 
while the unsuspecting settlers were at work the 
spies of Inkpaduta were stealthily lurking in the 
near-by timber stalking their white brothers as they 
would some wild beast of the forest. 

The settlers were unable to complete the task 
which they had undertaken by noon, and as every- 
thing seemed so very favorable it was thought advis- 
able to continue the work without interruption. Ac- 
cordingly, they did not pause to eat the mid-day 
meal that had been prepared for them, but contin- 
ued working until about two o'clock in the after 
noon. They then withdrew into the cabin to eat 
their long deferred dinner. While thus engaged 
they were startled by a cry from Willie Thomas, 
who was outside at play and who now thought that 
Henry Tretts was coming.^^^ 

Immediately the people in the cabin rushed out 
hoping that the report was true and that the mes- 
sengers sent to Fort Ridgely were in fact returning. 
In the distance a man was observed to be approach- 
ing. He was clad in civilian dress and to all out- 
ward appearances bore a close resemblance to one 
of the messengers. In fact, so close was the re- 



140 THE SPIRIT LAKE MASSACRE 

semblance that David Carver exclaimed, "Yes, it's 
Henry Tretts!" But the words had scarcely been 
uttered before a volley of shots came from hitherto 
unseen guns in the direction of the timber. As near 
as could l)e determined fully a dozen guns had been 
discharged from the underbrush near the stable and 
hay stacks. The supposed white man was only a 
decoy Indian dressed in white men's clothing and 
sent out for the sole purpose of drawing the set- 
tlers from the cabin. While he was slowly approach- 
ing the cabin, Inkpaduta and his men had crept up 
the ravine to the rear of the stable and posted them- 
selves for action when the ruse worked out as 
planned. 

In confusion the surprised settlers — men, wo- 
men, and children — scrambled back into the cabin. 
Doors and windows were closed and barricaded, 
while women screamed. Bradshaw and Markham, 
as soon as the doors had been secured, seized their 
rifles and stood ready to shoot any Indian who 
might have the hardihood to show himself. The 
window shutters had been fastened open on the out- 
side thus making it necessary to use the table to 
close one window; while puncheons w^ere torn from 
the floor to cover other windows and aid in render- 
ing the cabin bullet proof. 

Meanwhile, the Indians kept up a constant fire; 
but Bradshaw and Markham kept them w^ell in 
hiding by shooting at any who happened to show 
themselves. While the men w^ere busy reloading, 
an Indian was seen to emerge from the brush near 



INKPADUTA ATTACKS SPRINGFIELD 141 

the stable and start for the house. Mrs. Church 
hastily seized a loaded gun and, thrusting it through 
a porthole, fired. After the tiring the Indian was 
nowhere to be seen and it was concluded that he 
had either been badly wounded or killed by the shot. 
Three or four Indians next appeared from a hazel 
thicket, but the emptying of the contents of a 
number of guns into their midst caused them to 
disappear. All of this had taken place in four or 
five minutes after the first volley fired by the 
Indians. In that brief time the Indian attack had 
been repelled, windows shuttered from within by 
temporary means, and all doors barricaded securely 
against a rush attack. 

During the attack no one had had time or thought 
for anything except the necessity of repelling the 
Indians. When a lull came it was found that 
several persons had been wounded. Mr. Thomas 
was bleeding profusely from a wound in his left 
arm where a bullet had broken a bone. Later this 
wound, owing to lack of attention, became so ir- 
ritated and infected that amputation was necessary. 
David Carver was suffering greatly, for a bullet or 
buckshot had passed through the fleshy part of his 
right arm, penetrated his side, and affected his 
lung; while Miss Swanger, who had been hit on 
the shoulder, was suffering considerably from pain 
and was very weak from the loss of blood. It was 
she who has been alluded to as saying that she was 
too weak to fight but could pray, and so fell "upon 
her knees, fervently petitioning the God of Battles 



142 THE SPIRIT LAKE MASSACRE 

to help until the fight closed. "'°^ WilHe Thomas, 
who had given the alarm, was missing and no one 
seemed able to account for him until his older 
brother stated that after the door had been closed 
he heard groaning from the doorstep. It was pre- 
sumed that the boy had been killed. At all events 
no one felt that it would be wise to open the door 
at this juncture. It later developed that he had 
been shot through the head and had probably died 
in a brief time. 

There were now left in the cabin only three 
able-bodied men who could be counted upon for ef- 
fective defense. These men were Jareb Palmer, 
John Bradshaw, and Morris Markham. Dr. Strong 
had gone to the Wheeler cabin that forenoon to dress 
the wounds of Smith and Henderson and had not 
returned at the time of the attack.'^* 

The heavy firing by the Indians did not continue 
for more than seven or eight minutes when it 
became desultory in character. Occasionally an 
Indian would be seen skulking through the edge of 
the timber, but not one allowed himself to come 
within range of the cabin. It is presumed that they 
had counted upon a complete surprise as at Okoboji 
and were not supplied with the ammunition neces- 
sary to conduct a continuous attack. The firing, 
however, continued until sunset. It was later dis- 
covered that the Indians had withdrawn at this 
time, although this fact was not known to the in- 
mates of the cabin. The desultory nature of the 
Indian fire had allowed the settlers to prepare, and 



INKPADUTA ATTACKS SPRINGFIELD 143 

soon six g'uns were projectiiii»' from as many port- 
holes and covering as many possible lines of ap- 
proach. This evidence of readiness in the cabin 
may have led the Indians to defer or abandon their 
attack. '^•'^ 

Meanwhile, the Wood brothers were paying 
dearly for their misplaced confidence in the peace- 
ful intentions of the red men. It was reported — 
but the statement has never been confirmed — that 
when the firing upon the Thomas cabin began 
William Wood, thinking no harm would come to 
him, started to cross the river with a view to in- 
vestigating the cause. When he reached the w^est 
bank of the stream, he ran into a group of Indians 
who at once riddled him with bullets. It is further 
asserted that a pile of brush was then collected, his 
lifeless body thrown upon it, and the whole set on 
fire. This conclusion is drawn from the fact that 
in a pile of wood ashes, not far from the river's 
edge, a group of the Fort Ridgely soldiers later 
found charred human bones and with them a twenty 
dollar gold piece.'^*' The body of George Wood was 
found, while that of William Wood was never dis- 
covered — unless the charred bones indicated his 
fate. Since the Wood brothers were the only per- 
sons in the settlement who had gold coin it was 
thought that the remains in the ashes were those of 
William Wood. 

George Wood, who had remained at the store in 
his brother's absence, possibly witnessed his 
brother's fate and attempted to forestall a similar 



144 THE SPIRIT LAKE MASSACRE 

one for himself by striving to reach the settlers' 
cabins. But he was too late. He succeeded in 
reaching the river and in crossing it, but Mdiile try- 
ing to secrete himself in the underbrush he was seen 
by the Indians and shot. His body was subjected 
to no further violence.'^' 

It would seem that during the afternoon, while 
the attack was being made upon the Thomas cabin, 
Inkpaduta selected three of his band to raid the re- 
maining cabins or at least to investigate them for 
plunder in case they should be found abandoned. 
It w^as probably this trio of Indians who attacked 
and killed George and William Wood. 

The first cabin visited by the three Indians was 
that of Joshua Stewart. Mr. Stewart was called to 
the door by one of the number and requested to sell 
a hog. Some gold coins were displayed by the 
Indian as evidence that the hog would be paid for 
when purchased. Mr. Stewart being willing to sell, 
stepped back into the house to secure his cap and 
coat. When he reappeared and stepped out into 
the yard, he was instantly shot by the two Indians 
who had not appeared to be concerned in the deal. 
Upon hearing the shots, Mrs. Stewart and the chil- 
dren ran out of the cabin. They, too, were instantly 
shot down by the Indians and their bodies horribly 
mutilated with knives. 

According to Captain Bee, it was here that "the 
savages revelled in blood. When I visited the spot, 
the father lay dead on his threshold, the mother, 
with one arm encircling her murdered infant, lay 



INKPADUTA ATTACKS SPRINGFIELD 145 

outside the door, and by her side was stretched the 
lifeless body of a little girl of three summers"/"* 
But Johnny, a lad of perhaps ten years, eluded the 
Indians and made his escape. In his own relation 
to the people at the Thomas cabin he stated that he 
hid behind a log in the yard while the savages did 
their w^ork of murder and plunder. After they left 
he ran to the cabin of Robert Smith, but was 
frightened away; from there he made his way to 
the Thomas cabin where he arrived at dusk and was 
taken in by the inmates — who, however, came near 
shooting him for an Indian prowler."^ 

After completing their ghastly work at the 
Stewart home, the Indians returned in the direction 
of the Wood store, which they probably planned to 
pillage. When passing the Wheeler home, they 
attempted no further molestation than to shoot an 
ox and empty the contents of their guns into the 
cabin. One of the charges narrowly missed Mr. 
Henderson who was lying helpless as the result of 
his recent amputations. For some reason the In- 
dians did not take the trouble to determine whether 
any people were really occupying the house.-"" From 
here the Indians appear to have gone directly to the 
Wood store, where they finished their work and then 
departed for Heron Lake. At the time, however, 
the departure of the Indians was not known to the 
terrified inhabitants of the settlement. 

At the Wood store on the west side of the river 
guns, powder, shot, and lead were found in reason- 
ably large quantities and appropriated. But this 



146 THE SPIRIT LAKE MASSACRE 

was not all; food and dry goods were also found 
and taken. It is said that when they returned to 
Heron Lake "they had twelve horses, heavily laden 
with dry goods, groceries, powder, lead, bed-quilts, 
wearing apparel, provisions, etc. . . . Among 
this plunder were several bolts of calico and red 
flannel. Of these, especially the flannel, they were 
exceedingly proud ; decorating themselves with it in 
fantastic fashion. Red leggings, red shirts, red 
blankets, and red in every conceivable way, was the 
style there, as long as it lasted. "-"^ 



XIX 

THE SETTLERS FLEE FROM SPRINGFIELD 

When quiet had reigned for some little time and 
darkness had fallen, there being no signs that the 
Indians would reopen their attack, the inmates of 
the Thomas cabin began to discuss the best course 
to pursue. It was the general belief that they 
would again be attacked if they remained: in fact 
they reasoned that to remain would be to invite an 
attack. But would not the soldiers from Fort 
Ridgely soon bring relief! iVnd yet they had no 
means of knowing whether their messengers had 
ever reached that post. Having reached the fort, 
might not their story have been received in the same 
manner in which the people of Springfield had 
greeted the tale of Markliam? No idea had been 
gained as to the numerical strength of the Indians : 
although they seemed to be about twelve in number, 
there was a possibility that they might be ten or 
twenty times as many, and well prepared to carry 
the attack through to a conclusive end. 

Some suggested flight; but there seemed to be 
many obstacles to such a course. Nothing was 
known of the whereabouts of the Indians: they 
might be lurking near the cabin awaiting the ap- 
pearance of its inmates for the purpose of picking 

147 



148 THE SPIRIT LAKE MASSACRE 

them off as they came out. Again, they were more 
than fifty miles from any adequate place of refuge ; 
while the nearest settlement was no less than fifteen 
miles away. But worst of all the snow was deep 
and there was not even a known trail upon the 
wintry wastes that could be followed with certainty. 
Moreover, there were among them three badly 
wounded people whose suffering would only be in- 
tensified by the cold and exposure incident to such 
a flight. And there were children in the party: 
would they be able to endure such a journey as flight 
would compel them to undergo? From the hard- 
ships encountered by Markham in his trip from the 
lakes it was known that a journey of fifty miles 
under the existing conditions of weather would be a 
hard trial of endurance, even for the strongest and 
most rugged person. 

In the course of the discussion someone called 
attention to the fact that the Indians had driven 
away the Thomas horses. How were they to move 
Carver who was unable to walk and Thomas who 
was so weak that at best it was believed he could 
live but a short time? Carver was willing to be 
left behind if by so doing the safety of the others 
could be assured ; but none of his companions were 
willing to consider such a proposition. When the 
thought of flight was about to be abandoned some- 
one recalled that the Indians had not taken the 
Thomas oxen. If they had not been killed, they must 
be safe in the stable. Markham, who had twice be- 
fore volunteered to risk his life, offered to go to the 



SETTLERS FLEE FROM SPRINGFIELD 149 

stable, and if the oxen were there hitch them to the 
sled and drive to the door.-°- Meanwhile, in the 
cabin preparations were to be made for flight. 

When Markham returned to the cabin he reported 
that every thing seemed to indicate that the Indians 
had given up the attack and left the vicinity. He 
had been gone nearly half an hour, which led the 
people in the cabin to fear that he too had fallen 
a victim of Indian lust. And so they were over- 
joyed when he finally appeared at the door with the 
ox-drawn sled. Feather ticks were first taken to 
the sled and upon them the wounded Thomas, Carv- 
er, and Miss Swanger were placed. Around them 
were packed such articles as were deemed necessary 
upon the journey. 

The night sky was obscured by clouds and the 
darkness was intense, which would make it possible 
for the fleeing settlers to elude the watchfulness of 
the Indians if any happened to be lurking in the 
vicinity of the cabin. About nine o'clock the 
nineteen frightened and wretchedly equipped refu- 
gees left the Thomas cabin.-*^^ Ahead of the oxen 
walked Markham, Bradshaw, and Palmer, with 
rifles in their hands, ready to protect the women, 
children, and wounded from possible attack. Then 
came the ox-drawn sled piled with feather beds, the 
wounded, blankets, bed-quilts, and provisions. Upon 
either side and behind the sled walked the women, 
carrying or leading the children. 

Progress was slow since no distinct trail could 
be discerned in the darkness. Frequently they 



150 THE SPIRIT LAKE MASSACRE 

would stop and by signs and consultation assure 
themselves that they were moving in the proper di- 
rection. Often they missed the way and were com- 
pelled to alter their course. At two o'clock in the 
morning, having made an advance of only five miles, 
they concluded to halt and await the dawn.'°* Where 
they were they did not know. Blankets and bed- 
quilts were spread upon the snow; and upon these 
the women, children, and wounded lay down, while 
the men stood guard. With the coming of day the 
refugees again pushed forward, but found that they 
could make little headway because of the deep snow 
drifts through which the men had to break a way 
for the oxen and sled. 

In less than an hour the party, finding further 
progress well-nigh impossible, decided to halt. 
After some deliberation it was decided to send 
Palmer ahead about ten miles to Granger's Point for 
help. Palmer, having succeeded in making his way 
to the Point without incident, returned with George 
Granger, wdio very willingly brought his ox team 
to the rescue of the stranded settlers. A Mr. Ad- 
dington also accompanied Palmer upon the return 
trip. When about a mile to the north of Granger's 
place a man was observed on the open prairie. Ad- 
dington jumped off the sled and started toward him. 
The man turned and ran, but was soon overtaken. 
He was found to be Dr. Strong of Springfield who 
had fled from the Wheeler cabin that same morn- 
ing, supposing that his wife and children had been 
killed in the attack upon the Thomas cabin. 



SETTLERS FLEE FROM SPRINGFIELD 151 

In the meantime the stranded settlers, thinkinir; 
they saw Indians in piirsnit, had left their wounded 
companions in the sled and taken to the open prairie 
in flight — an effort which greatly exhausted the 
women. Returning to the sled the march onward 
to Granger's Point was resumed. After remaining 
here for two days to recuperate they continued their 
journey southward toward Fort Dodge.'°^ 

It will be recalled that the Wheeler cabin had 
received but one volley from a group of three 
Indians who passed without stopping. The in- 
mates had doubtless heard the continuous firing in 
the direction of the Thomas cabin during the after- 
noon and had surmised that something serious must 
have happened. As all was quiet at the cabin on 
the following morning, the anxiety of Mrs. Robert 
Smith to know what had really transpired at the 
Thomas cabin overcame her fears. With the forti- 
tude characteristic of pioneer women, she determin- 
ed to visit the cabin as early as possible. When 
she arrived at the cabin she found the body of 
Willie Thomas lying at the side of the doorstep. 
Greatly alarmed she investigated no further, but 
returned at once to the Wheeler cabin. Her hasty 
conclusion was that all the inmates of the Thomas 
cabin had been murdered by the Indians. Thus 
Dr. Strong, having heard the report of Mrs. Smith, 
concluded that his family had been murdered and 
that his own safety was all that was left for him 
to consider; and so he fled toward the settlements in 
Iowa. 



152 THE SPIRIT LAKE MASSACRE 

The flight of Dr. Strong left Mr. Skinner as the 
only able-bodied man at the Wheeler house. He 
and the three women — Mrs. Skinner, Mrs. Nelson, 
Mrs. Smith — decided to escape if possible before 
receiving a second visit from the Indians. Mrs. 
Smith strongly protested against the plan of leav- 
ing her husband, but he bade her go and save her 
own life.^"" The problem of escape with these 
people was a vastly more difficult one than with the 
party at the Thomas cabin, since they had no team 
or other means of transportation. From the first 
it was evident that the disabled men must be aban- 
doned — a plan in which the men themselves will- 
ingly acquiesced. 

After providing for the comfort of those who 
were to be left behind, Mr. Skinner and the three 
women set out. Smith attempted to follow, but 
was compelled to return to the cabin after again 
overcoming the objections of his wife at going with- 
out him. The only individual, other than Smith 
and Henderson, who could not be taken was the 
little son of Adam P. Shiegley. After the depar- 
ture of the grownups this boy made his w^ay to the 
home of a settler who had not been disturbed and 
was there well taken care of until found by his 
father who later came in search of his son. Two 
days later, on Sunday, March twenty-ninth, the 
Wheeler party arrived at Granger's Point where 
they joined the people from the Thomas cabin.-"' 



XX 

RELIEF ARRIVES FROM FORT RIDGELY 

On the morning of March twenty-sixth the relief 
expedition from Fort Ridgely was laboriously seek- 
ing to make its way through nearly impassable 
drifts of snow. Captain Bee had scarcely struck 
camp that morning when two white men from the 
Des Moines River — probably Nelson and Frost 
from Springfield — came in for supplies. They re- 
ported that the Indians, to the number of thirty 
lodges, were encamped at Coursalle's Grove about 
eight or nine miles to the north of Springfield. 
Coursalle, known as ' ' Gaboo ' ' among the borderers 
and settlers, was a half-blood Sisseton who was well- 
known throughout the surrounding country as a 
trapper, trader, and intermediary between the 
whites and the Indians. With this information 
Captain Bee pushed forward with renewed energ>^, 
hoping to reach Coursalle's before the Indians 
should leave. 

After encountering and overcoming nearly in- 
surmountable obstacles of roads and weather Cap- 
tain Bee finally reached the trader's post. The 
grove and its vicinity were thoroughly reconnoiter- 
ed with no success other than the rounding up of 
Coursalle and his family. Coursalle grudgingly 

153 



154 THE SPIRIT LAKE MASSACRE 

gave the information that Inkpaduta's band had in 
truth wiped out not only the settlements at the 
southern lakes, but also those at Springfield. From 
Springfield the Indians had gone to Heron Lake, 
twenty-five miles to the west, and were headed for 
the Yankton country on the Missouri. Further 
knowledge concerning their whereabouts Coursalle 
said he did not have. 

Coursalle seemed so confident that the Indians 
were still at Heron Lake that Captain Bee decided 
to pursue and punish them before going to Spring- 
field with his command. Having been told that only 
the dead were to be found at either Spirit Lake or 
Springfield, he concluded that little could be gained 
and perhaps everything lost if he should hasten to 
the scenes of the massacres and allow the perpe- 
trators of the horrible deeds to escape without pun- 
ishment. Hence "at retreat" that evening he 
called for no less than twenty volunteers to go on 
an expedition early the next morning for the pur- 
pose of punishing the Indians. The response from 
the men w^as unanimous, and when early morning 
came Captain Bee and Lieutenant Murry with the 
guides, Coursalle and La Framboise, together with 
all the men of the command, started out. It was 
expected that upon the approach of the soldiers the 
Indians would probably attempt flight. To prevent 
their succeeding in this, the teamsters w^ere taken 
along to lead the mules, numbering thirteen in all, 
to be used as mounts in the pursuit of the fleeing 
Indians. -°® 



RELIEF ARRIVES FROM FORT RIDGELY 155 

The road taken under the guidance of Coursalle 
led them in a direct line across the open prairie 
from the trading- post to the lake. This open route 
was taken because it shortened the distance to 
fifteen miles between the two points. The approacli 
to the lake proved easy, and by ten o'clock the lake 
had been reached and wholly surrounded by Captain 
Bee's men so that it would have been difficult for any 
one to have escaped unnoticed. The instructions 
were that when the camp and Indians were found 
a single shot should be fired as a signal for the 
ingathering of the troops. In about a half hour 
after the deploying of the men a shot was heard in 
the direction taken by La Framboise. He had 
found the place of their camp, but the Indians them- 
selves had gone. The camp gave every evidence of 
the destruction of the settlements "with all its 
traces of plunder and rapine; books, scissors, ar- 
ticles of female apparel, furs, and traps, were 
scattered on the ground ".'°^ The guides, after ex- 
amining the ashes of the camp fire and other signs, 
pronounced the camp to be about three or four days 
old. If such were the truth, it was plain that fur- 
ther pursuit would be useless. 

There was, however, one more hope which was 
eagerly seized by Captain Bee. Coursalle suggest- 
ed that possibly the band had moved to another lake 
about four miles to the northwestward. This lake 
being much larger and its borders more heavily 
timbered the Indians might have gone on to it for 
better concealment. Such a possibility appealed 



156 THE SPIRIT LAKE MASSACRE 

to Captain Bee, who was not long in detailing 
Lieutenant Miiriy with ten men and Coursalle as 
guide to make a dash to that point by means of 
mule mounts. If signs there should prove as old as 
at the first lake the members of the party were in- 
structed to lose no time in returning, since further 
pursuit w^ould be useless. The dash was made as 
planned; and signs in abundance were found, but 
Coursalle pronounced them to be at least twenty- 
four hours old. Such being the case Lieutenant 
Murry returned to the main command. 

It has been charged that Coursalle lacked good 
faith in that he purposely declared the signs many 
hours older than they were in order to assure the 
escape of the Injq)aduta band.-^" Captain Bee, 
however, stated in a public letter that ''Gaboo was 
in front of my men" and "his whole demeanor con- 
vinced me that he had come out to fight", for his 
life had been threatened by the band.-^^ It was also 
further charged that Mrs. Coursalle was observed 
wearing Mrs. Church's shawl; but this was dis- 
credited by several competent observers. The fact 
remains, however, that Captain Bee's men approach- 
ed much nearer the band than they knew — w^hich 
gives color to the view that Coursalle either prac- 
ticed deception or was not wise in wood and camp 
lore. 

How near the troops came to the Indian band 
is disclosed in the testimony of both Mrs. Sharp 
and Mrs. Marble who were with the Indians as cap- 
tives. They both state that at three o'clock in the 



RELIEF ARRIVES FROM FORT RIDGELY 157 

afternoon Lieutenant Murry's men reached the 
same place that the Indians had left at about nine 
in the morning. Furthermore, the Indians were 
even then within reach, being encamped on a low 
stretch of ground bordering a small stream just 
over a slight rise of ground west of the lake. They 
were so located that while the Indian lookout was 
able from the treetops to see for miles around, the 
camp itself could not easily be seen. 

Mrs. Sharp relates that as soon as the lookout 
reported the approach of the soldiers of Lieutenant 
Murry, ''the squaws at once extinguished the fires 
by pouring on water, that the smoke might not be 
seen; tore down the tents; packed their plunder; 
and .... one Indian was detailed to stand 
guard over us, and to kill us if there was an attack. 
The rest of the warriors prepared for battle . . 
. . The excitement manifested by the Indians was 
for a little while intense; and although less mani- 
fested ours was fully as great, as we were well 
aware that the Indians meant all they said when 
they told us we were to be shot, in case of an attack. 
We therefore knew that an attack would be certain 
death to us, whatever the results might be in other 
respects. After an hour and a half of this excit- 
ing suspense .... a sudden change came to 
us. The soldiers, it seems, just here decided to 
turn back.""^- 

Upon Lieutenant Murry's return, it was decided 
to give up the pursuit. This decision was based in 
part upon the report made by Lieutenant Murry 



158 THE SPIRIT LAKE MASSACRE 

and Coursalle and also on the fact that the supplies 
were nearly exhausted. From this point Captain 
Bee's command went to Springfield. Here Smith 
and Henderson were found in the Wheeler cabin 
where they had been left two days previously. 
They were in good spirits despite their desolation. 
They had been visited by Mr. Shiegley who was in 
search of his boy. These men related to Captain 
Bee the story of events so far as they knew it, 
telling of the flight of their companions in the di- 
rection of Granger's. Captain Bee at once sent a 
man in search of the fugitives who were to be invit- 
ed to return. They were to be assured that the 
Indians were gone and that a guard of soldiers 
would be stationed at Springfield for their protec- 
tion. The messenger, however, failed to overtake the 
refugees and in a few days returned. Meanwhile, 
Captain Bee sent a detail of twenty men under 
Lieutenant Murry to Spirit Lake to bury the dead. 
Murry went no farther than the Marble cabin where 
he found and buried Marble 's body and then return- 
ed to Springfield. 

In a final adjustment of matters, Captain Bee 
left a detail of twenty-eight non-commissioned 
officers and privates at Springfield under Lieuten- 
ant Murry. This detail, while only temporary, re- 
mained until April twentieth when it was relieved 
by a second detail which, under Lieutenant John 
McNab, remained until late in the fall of 1857. 
Captain Bee reported at Fort Ridgely on April 
eighth, after an absence of about three weeks.-'^ 



XXI 

ORGANIZATION OF RELIEF AT FORT DODGE 
AND WEBSTER CITY 

When the citizens of Fort Dodge and Webster 
City were convinced by repeated tales of Indian 
horrors that assistance was needed they organized 
a relief party to fend off the savage forays of the 
Sioux. The trials and sufferings of this little vol- 
unteer band have few if any parallels in the pioneer 
history of the Mississippi Valley. Unprepared for 
such a venture as the journey proved to be, they 
nevertheless met its ordeals with a courage that 
attests the hardihood of the pioneers who chose 
the task of advancing the frontier. 

Early in November, 1856, Orlando C. Howe (a 
lawyer and later a professor of law at the State 
University of Iowa), R. U. Wheelock, and B. F, 
Parmenter, guided by a well-known and widely ex- 
perienced western trapper, Wiltfong, came from 
Newton, Jasper County, Iowa, to the lake region on 
a land-hunting tour. They were particularly at- 
tracted by the natural beauty of the region and be- 
fore leaving staked out claims to the southeast of 
Marble's place on what is now the site of the town 
of Spirit Lake. Like many other prospective set- 
tlers at that time they did not plan to remain dur- 

159 



160 THE SPIRIT LAKE MASSACRE 

ing the winter season; and so, after visiting for 
some days among the settlers on the south and east 
shores of the Okobojis, they returned to Jasper 
County. The route homeward led them to Loon 
Lake, where they are said to have found Inkpa- 
duta's band encamped. The band seems to have 
been peaceful enough at the time of the visit; 
indeed, they made a rather favorable impression 
upon these prospective settlers. 

Although the season had been severe Howe, 
"Wheelock, and Parmenter expected the usual break- 
ing of winter during the closing week of March, 
when they anticipated that travel across the prairies 
would be difficult if not impossible owing to the 
overabundance of snow. It was to forestall delays 
caused by the melting snows that they started about 
the first of March for the lake region with ox 
wagons heavily laden with seed, food supplies, and 
agricultural implements. From the very start they 
made but indifferent progress owing to the deep 
snows and continued intensity of the cold. Tarry- 
ing but a short time at Fort Dodge to replenish their 
supplies and renew former acquaintances, they pro- 
ceeded up the west side of the Des Moines Valley 
to their destination. Following the trail up this 
side of the valley, they missed the two trappers who 
came down from Granger 's Point carrying the news 
of the massacre to Fort Dodge. When within two 
or three miles of their destination, and somewhere 
to the southeast of Gar Lake, on the evening of 
March fifteenth their oxen became too exhausted to 



ORGANIZATION OF RELIEF EXPEDITION 161 

proceed further. Temporarily abandoning the load 
and the oxen, the men went forward on foot to the 
settlements along the East Okoboji Lake. 

About midnight, after spending several hours in 
groping their way through the timber along the 
lake, they came to the Noble and Thatcher cabin. 
Failing to receive a response after reyjeated rapping 
upon the door they pushed the door open and en- 
tered only to find everything in confusion. Hesi- 
tating to remain for the night amid such evidences 
of violence, they left at once and made their way 
along the trail in the direction of the cabin of Joel 
Howe. At this cabin likewise on account of the 
darkness they did not discover that there were dead 
bodies lying in the yard. Entering they found the 
cabin deserted ; but the hour was so late that they 
decided to remain and make further investigations 
on the morrow. 

The following morning they soon discovered the 
dead bodies in the yard and other evidences of an 
Indian visit. From here they crossed the east lake 
to the Mattock cabin, which they found in ashes; 
while the clearing around the cabin was strewn 
with the bodies of the slaughtered members of the 
family. They now had all the evidence necessary 
to convince them that an Indian war party had vis- 
ited the settlement and wiped out the white popula- 
tion. Without further delay they started for the 
settlements to the southeast along the Des Moines. 
So anxious were they to spread the news as speedily 
as possible that Parmenter remained behind to fol- 



162 THE SPIRIT LAKE MASSACRE 

low more slowly with the oxen, while the other two 
men rushed on ahead on foot. On Saturday even- 
ing, March twenty-first, they arrived at Fort Dodge 
with the news of the Indian massacre at the lakes. 
So w^ell-known was Howe in that vicinity that no 
one hesitated to believe the information which he 
brought of the Indian raid on the frontier.-^* 

When Howe and Wheelock had recited the story 
of conditions as they found them at the lakes, it 
coincided so nearly with information already 
brought to the community that no one could doubt 
the urgent need for immediate action. And so it 
was resolved to hold a meeting for the purpose of 
determining the course to be followed. This meet- 
ing was called for the next afternoon (which was 
Sunday) in the schoolhouse of the village. When 
the meeting convened practically every able-bodied 
man in Fort Dodge and vicinity was present. Major 
William Williams presided as chairman, and 
Charles B. Richards acted as secretary.-^^ Howe 
and Wheelock were called upon to relate their tale 
of horrors at the lakes. The recital gave rise to 
great excitement: the people realized their own 
proximity to danger. 

It w^as the unanimous sentiment of the meeting 
that immediate and resolute action should be taken 
to deal w^ith the situation. The chairman. Major 
Williams, read a commission held by him from 
Governor Grimes empowering him in any emer- 
gency that might arise to take such action as 
seemed best in the light of existing circumstances.-^^ 



ORGANIZATION OF RELIEF EXPEDITION 1()3 

It was thereupon resolved that at least two com- 
panies of volunteers should be called for and sent 
to the lakes to rescue the living, bury the dead, and 
if possible overtake and punish the perpetrators of 
the massacre. Nearly eighty men volunteered at 
once to join the proposed expedition. 

Before the meeting adjourned a messenger, in the 
person of a Mr. White,-'^ was named to carry the 
news of the massacre to Homer, Border Plains, and 
Webster City, and to ask the cooperation of these 
communities in the recruiting of members for the 
expedition. To make the plea for assistance as ef- 
fective as possible, Howe was requested to accom- 
pany the messenger to these places. The response 
at Webster City was as spontaneous as at Fort 
Dodge. Upon the arrival of the messengers a meet- 
ing was called in the village schoolhouse, so that 
all might hear the story of the Indian outrages. 
Volunteers were called for, and by nine o'clock on 
the morning of the twenty-third a company of 
twenty-eight men had been selected to undertake 
the expedition. Only young men were encouraged 
to volunteer, since it was thought that the older 
men would not be able to undergo the trials of the 
trip to and from the lakes. But when both young 
and old insisted upon going a sort of selective draft 
was resorted to. On Monday morning, March 
twenty-third, all who had volunteered were ranged 
in a row and J. D. Maxwell, the county judge, was 
called upon to make the selection, which he did to 
the satisfaction of all.''^ 



164 THE SPIRIT LAKE MASSACRE 

But there were problems other than the securing 
of volunteers to be met and solved — such as the 
procuring of tents, provisions, wagons or sleds, and 
teams, without which the expedition would have 
little hope of success. By contributions the com- 
pany was provided with a varied collection of fire- 
arms, a wagon, two or three yoke of oxen, food, 
and some extra clothing and blankets. Among 
those who gave liberally were ''W. C. and S. Will- 
son, A. Moon, the Brewers, Charles T. Fenton, S. B. 
Rosenkrans, the Funks, E. W. Saulsbury and B. S. 
Mason. "-^° At this time the village of Webster 
City could boast of but few people who were able 
to provide much assistance; but each did his best 
and in the end the volunteers were reasonably well 
outfitted for the journey. 

Departure from Webster City was delayed until 
one 'clock in the afternoon of the twenty-third, ow- 
ing to the difficulty of securing the necessary equip- 
ment for the men. Even then they were not ade- 
quately equipped. Indeed, it was impossible to 
foresee and prepare for the trials to be faced on 
the expedition. Moreover, not one of these people 
had had any experience in contending with the 
elements under such conditions as then prevailed. 

The Webster City company arrived at Fort Dodge 
about nine o'clock in the evening of the same day 
and was given a rousing welcome. No better 
testimonial to the spirit and determination of the 
men, untrained as they were, can be given than to 
say that they made the march of more than twenty 



ORGANIZATION OF RELIEF EXPEDITION 165 

miles in eight lioiirs over nearly impassable roads. 
The snow had thawed just enough to cause it to 
yield readily under the tread of the men — making 
the march one continuous flounder from Webster 
City to Fort Dodger'" 

In the evening, immediately following the ar- 
rival at Fort Dodge, officers for the company were 
chosen by ballot. The company as then organized was 
designated as Company C and was officered as fol- 
lows : John C. Johnson, Captain ; John N. Maxwell, 
First Lieutenant ; Frank R. Mason, Second Lieuten- 
ant ; Harris Hoover, Sergeant ; and A. Newton Hath- 
away, Corporal. The privates were William K. 
Laughlin and Michael Sweeney of the Webster City 
settlement ; and Thomas Anderson, Thomas B. Bone- 
bright, James Brainard, Sherman Cassady, Patrick 
Conlan, Henry E. Dalley, John Erie, Emery W. 
Gates, John Gates, Josiah Griffith, James Hickey, 
Humphrey C. Hillock, M. W. Howland, Elias D. Kel- 
logg, A. S. Leonard, F. R. Moody, John Nolan (or 
Nowland), J. C. Pemberton, Alonzo Richardson, 
Patrick Stafford, and A. K. Tullis of the country 
immediately adjacent to Webster City."' 

Captain Johnson was not a Webster City man but 
came from Bach Grove. In view of the later inci- 
dents of the trip his enlistment was somewhat pa- 
thetic. He arrived in town after the beginning of 
the meeting, which he attended with a friend. He 
was so impressed by the spirit of the occasion that 
he volunteered, being one of the first who expressed 
a willingness to go. He at once sent word to his 



166 THE SPIRIT LAKE MASSACRE 

mother concerning the mission upon which he was 
going, saying that he probably w^oiild not see her 
for some time — not thinking that it might be his 
lot never to return. "- 

While news of the massacre was being carried 
to Homer, Webster City, and Border Plains, the 
citizens of Fort Dodge and vicinity were hard at 
work organizing their groups of volunteers, so that 
by the time the Webster City unit had arrived they 
were ready for some form of united action. Here 
too it was thought best to select only the younger 
men, since the inclemency of the weather as well 
as the marching conditions at this time would be 
a severe drain upon the physical endurance of the 
strongest. In addition it was recognized that the 
young men would not have in many instances the 
care of dependent families. Fully eighty men had 
stepped forward in response to the call for volun- 
teers, and from these two companies were organized. 
Early on Monday morning each of the two com- 
panies selected officers. Charles B. Richards, who 
had acted as secretary of the first general meeting, 
was selected as Captain of Company A ; while John 
F. Buncombe was chosen to head Company B. Cap- 
tain Richards at once selected Franklin A. Stratton 
as First Lieutenant, L. K. AVright as Sergeant, and 
Solon Mason as Corporal ; while Captain Buncombe 
named James Linn as First Lieutenant, Smith E. 
Stevens, Second Lieutenant, William N. Koons, Ser- 
geant, and Thomas Callagan as Corporal of Com- 
pany B.^'^ 



ORGANIZATION OF RELIEF EXPEDITION 167 

The Roster of Company A at the time of its or- 
ganization on March 23rd comprised the following- 
privates: George W. Brizee, William E. Burk- 
holder, Henry Carse, Chatterton, Julius Con- 
rad, L. D. Crawford, J. W. Dawson, William De 
Fore or William A. De Foe, John Farney, William 
N. Ford, John Gales, William MeCauley, E. Mahan, 
Michael Maher, B. F. Parmenter, W. F. Porter, L. 
B. Ridgeway, George P. Smith, Roderick A. Smith, 
Winton Smith, Owen S. Spencer, C. Stebbins, Silas 
Van Cleave, D. Westerfield, and R. U. Wheelock. 

In Company B were enrolled the following: 
Jesse Addington, D. H. Baker, Hiram Benjamin, 
Orlando Bice, R. F. Carter, Richard Carter, Michael 
Cavanaugh, A. E. Croiise, John Hefley, Orlando C. 
Howe, D. F. Howell, Albert S. Johnson, Michael 
AicCarty, G. F. McClure, Robert McCormick, John 
N. McFarland, A. S. Malcolm, Daniel Morrissey, 
Jonas Murray, Daniel Okeson, John O'Laughlin, 
W. Searles, Guernsey Smith, Reuben Whetstone, 
John White, Washington Williams, and William R. 
Wilson.^^^* 

These companies when organized were equipped 
in the same manner as at Webster City — that is, 
by contributions from those older men who, finding 
age a bar to joining the expedition, contributed 
whatever they found possible "near the end of a 
severe winter in a frontier town one hundred and 
fifty miles from any source of supply.""^ Scarce- 
ly was there a man or woman in the little hamlet or 
in the surrounding country who did not offer some- 



168 THE SPIRIT LAKE MASSACRE 

tiling — guns, ammunition, food, gloves, wearing 
apparel, blankets, or other articles that might prove 
useful on the journey. The equipment of arms 
varied from the worst conditioned shotgun to some 
of the finest type of Sharps rifle to be found on the 
frontier."" All of Monday, after the muster in, w^as 
spent in collecting the equipment for the expedition. 
After some little effort two or three ox teams and 
wagons were secured to haul the food supplies, 
bedding, and camp equipment. A team and wagon 
was allotted to each company, so that all supplies 
for each organization might be kept separate and 
distinct. The imperfect means of transportation 
permitted the taking of only limited supplies; and 
no grain or forage could be taken upon which the 
oxen might subsist. It was thought, strangely 
enough, that the cattle might be able to forage for 
themselves at the various camping or stopping 
places along the route. 

After the companies had been organized as sep- 
arate units and the "Webster City contingent had 
arrived, a closer coordination of the forces was 
effected. A general meeting of the three organiza- 
tions was called and the matter of coordination dis- 
cussed. In the end it was decided to organize as a 
battahon. Major William Williams, the only per- 
son who had had military experience and who had 
been empowered by Governor Grimes to act in such 
an emergency, was chosen to command the battalion 
thus created. This was a recogTiition of the un- 
doubted ability and vigor of the first postmaster, 



ORGANIZATION OF RELIEF EXPEDITION 169 

first mayor, and first citizen of Fort Dodge — es- 
pecially since his age of sixty years was far beyond 
that considered desirable for members of the expe- 
dition.'-' The futnre proved the wisdom of the 
selection, for his command of the situation had 
much to do with shaping the later developments 
more fortunately than otherwise might have been 
the case. George B. Sherman was selected as quar- 
termaster and commissary; and in order to enable 
him to better perform his duties he was detached 
from Company A into which he had already been 
mustered. Dr. George R. Bissell of Fort Dodge 
was selected as surgeon, and he proved a most 
worthy and helpful member of the expedition. Thus 
organized, the battalion numbered at the time of 
leaving Fort Dodge a total of ninety-one officers and 
enlisted men. 



XXII 

THE MARCH FROM FORT DODGE TO 
MEDIUM LAKE 

Though somewhat delayed by inability to secure 
transportation, the relief battalion from Fort Dodge 
and Webster City got under way about noon on 
Tuesday, March twenty-fourth, within four days 
after receiving the news of the massacre."^ The 
first day's march did not record much progress, as 
the men had advanced only about six or seven miles 
when they encamped at the mouth of Beaver Creek. 
By this time they had begun to realize that they 
were no more than raw recruits with no knowledge 
or appreciation of active service. With snow near- 
ly four feet deep on the level, and with ravines, 
gulches, and low places completely filled, they en- 
countered from the beginning almost endless diffi- 
culties in marching and in the transportation of 
supplies. Not a man was intimately acquainted 
with the surrounding country. Frequently they 
found themselves plunged into snow-filled creek 
beds where with the oxen they floundered vainly for 
some time in more than fifteen or twenty feet of 
drifted snow before they gained the lesser depth 
beyond. The difficulties were greatly increased by 
the lack of sufficient transportation facilities. 

170 



MARCH TO MEDIUM LAKE 171 

Having baited for the night each company built a 
monster camp fire around which the men gathered, 
each endeavoring to prepare his own supper since 
neither company was provided with a cook. "It 
was quite amusing to see 'the boys' mix up meal, 
bake 'slap jacks', fry meat, wash dishes and act the 
'housewife' generally, but 'tis said 'practice makes 
perfect' and the truth of the adage was substantiat- 
ed in the case under consideration for before our 
return some of the boys became quite expert in the 
handicraft above mentioned. 

"One of our Lieutenant's — a jolly good fellow, 
by the way — averred that he could throw a 'griddle- 
cake' out of the roof of a log cabin, which he tem- 
porarily occupied, and while it performed divers 
circumgyrations in mid-air, could run out and catch 
it 't'other side up' on the spider.""^ Emery W. 
Gates of Company C is said to have successfully 
demonstrated his ability to perform this feat while 
the expedition was in camp at McKnight's Point."^° 
He was later appointed cook of his company, in 
which capacity he rendered most acceptable service. 

After finishing their first meal the men made 
ready for the night. Each man had been provided 
with one blanket, and in this he rolled himself for 
sleep that came to but few. Many found the pillow- 
ing of the head upon the ground or snow not con- 
ducive to slumber, while a few were prevented from 
sleeping by the heavy slumber of others. "My first 
night on this expedition", says Captain Duncombe, 
"will never pass from my memory. It is as vivid 



172 THE SPIRIT LAKE MASSACRE 

now as it was at the time. I, too, slept on a snow- 
bank and had as my next neighbor one of those hor- 
rible snorers who could make a danger signal louder 
than a locomotive whistle and more musical than a 
calliope in the procession of a circus. "-^^ 

The morning of the twenty-fifth saw the men 
awake and astir early in the preparation of a break- 
fast that failed to satisfy. On this second day the 
line of march led them up the course of the Des 
Moines — the plan being to travel upon the ice of 
the river in order to avoid the dangerous pitfalls of 
the land. The point which they hoped to reach 
was Dakota City just above the junction of the east 
and west forks of the Des Moines. In attempting 
to use the ice as a roadway, the men were compelled 
to cross and recross the river no less than fifteen or 
tw^enty times. In the end this plan of march proved 
impracticable since the ice in places was not strong 
enough to sustain the weight of the men ; whenever 
a weak place was reached it was necessary to leave 
the river and struggle along over the ravines which 
broke the banks of the river. 

Matters became much w^orse as the day developed 
into one of considerable warmth. The water run- 
ning down from the hillsides collected in the depres- 
sions and turned the snow of the ravines into slush. 
With dazzling brilliancy the sun shone upon the 
white snow, and many of the men suffered so severe- 
ly from snow-blindness as to become practically 
helpless. The rays reflected from the snow also 
burned the hands and faces of the men.-'- By night 



MARCH TO MEDIUM LAKE 173 

the battalion had covered no more than the ten 
miles to Dakota City. Here they camped as best 
they could. Some were able to secure places in 
stables, and a few were taken into the homes; but 
by far the greater number were compelled to sleep 
in their blankets on the open prairie. By this time 
some of the men were showing evidence of exhaus- 
tion, while others were suffering a very marked de- 
cline in spirits. 

On the march north from Dakota City the real dif- 
ficulties of the expedition developed. Beyond this 
point the snow was piled so high that frequently the 
groves and timber along the river could not be reach- 
ed. When such conditions were encountered the 
command was compelled to keep to the open prairie. 
This was not, however, practicable for any consider- 
able time on account of the cutting wind that swept 
across the snow fields. Having to choose between 
two evils, they elected what appeared to be the lesser 
and kept within the shelter of the timber regardless 
of the difficulties. 

To overcome the difficulties on the third day out 
from Fort Dodge and the first day north of Dakota 
City, it was found necessary to send the men ahead 
in double files to break a road for the ox teams and 
wagons which followed. By marching and counter- 
marching the snow was beaten down so that it was 
made possible for the oxen to drag the wagons 
through the deep drifts. This did not, however, 
always solve the transportation problem, for even 
with such help the oxen were frequently unable to 



174 THE SPIRIT LAKE MASSACRE 

move the wagons. When the oxen became stalled 
in a snow bank a long rope was attached to the 
wagon so that all hands could take hold and pull to- 
gether with the oxen. By almost herculean efforts 
the wagons were thus dragged through the drifts of 
snow. Often the snow w^ould accumulate in great 
piles in front of the wagons, which caused many 
pauses in the march. The marching and counter- 
marching, the dragging of wagons by man power, 
and the clearing away of snow continued during the 
two days out from Dakota City. Under such condi- 
tions the advance of the command was painfully 
slow. 

But the drifts were not the worst obstacle. When 
ravines or stream heads were encountered in the 
line of march the oxen could do little but flounder 
in the snow which was then four or five times as deep 
as on the level ground of the prairie. They could 
scarcely secure a footing, for here the soft snow had 
usually been converted into almost bottomless slush. 
At such times the men would ''wade through, stack 
arms, return and unhitch the teams, and attach ropes 
to them and draw them through; this done", they 
"performed a similar operation on the wagons".-'^ 
It was necessary to resort to this method of advance 
every mile or two. 

In the face of such conditions, it became very 
evident that the timber at McKnight's Point could 
not be reached on scheduled time.-^* When the 
companies came to appreciate more fully the diffi- 
culties before them, Captain Buncombe, Lieutenant 



MARCH TO MEDIUM LAKE 175 

Maxwell, and R. U. Wheelock were sent ahead as 
scouts to pick out a better road and if possible 
secure a camping place near timber and water.''^ To 
guide the advancing column, beacon fires were built ; 
but these were of little or no use to the men in the 
rear. The main body of marchers, wet, hungry, and 
suffering acutely from the cold, toiled on until dark- 
ness made further progress seem an impossibility. 
Major Williams therefore called a halt and *'put it 
to a vote whether we should camp where we were, or 
still persist in getting to the Point. A majority 
voted to camp where we were, although several pre- 
ferred to keep on, fearing we would freeze to death 
anyway, and that it was as well to keep moving. We 
were on the bleak prairie .... We had no 
tents to shelter us ; so, to many the outlook was ex- 
tremely forbidding, but all acquiesced in the will of 
the majority.'"'' 

The place selected for the camp was a high ridge 
from which the snow had been blown by the winter's 
winds. Each company went into its own camp. The 
tarpaulin covers for the wagons were removed and 
stretched around the wagons so as to form a shelter 
from the wind. Upon the ground under the wagons 
the men placed their oil-skin coats to serve as a floor 
upon which to pile the bedding. Wet boots were 
used for pillows. Then, huddled closely together 
under the wagons so that when one tiirned all had to 
do likewise, the weary volunteers "turned in" for 
the night. Being some distance from the timber 
tliey could obtain no wood with which to kindle fires 



176 THE SPIRIT LAKE MASSACRE 

— without which the men were unable to warm them- 
selves, dry their clothing, or cook their food. For 
supper they had nothing to eat save crackers and 
uncooked ham; and the same diet made up the 
breakfast on the following morning.^" 

Early Friday morning the companies continued 
the march toward McKnight's Point, wdiere they ar- 
rived about noon. Here they found Duncombe, 
Wheelock, and Maxwell awaiting them. In nearly 
two days the battalion had covered a distance of 
something over twelve miles from Dakota City to 
McKnight's Point. Even at this slow rate of pro- 
gress they arrived in a thoroughly exhausted condi- 
tion. 

Captain Duncombe had reached the Point the 
evening before in a very benumbed condition and 
nearly unconscious from the exposure and suffering 
occasioned by the intensity of the cold. In explain- 
ing his condition, however, a story was later told by 
a member of the expedition to the effect that as the 
Point was neared by the three scouts Duncombe 
became exhausted and appeared to be unable to pro- 
ceed. Wheelock had with him what was thought to 
be a cordial, some of which he offered to the Captain. 
The "cordial" proved to be laudanum, which so af- 
fected Duncombe that had it not been for Wheelock 
and Maxwell, who kept him awake and moving, he 
would have been overcome. When within two miles 
of the Point, Maxwell started for help. Too ex- 
hausted to walk, he lay down on the snow and rolled 
himself over and over till he reached the grove; 



:\rARcri to medium lake hi 

while Wlieelock remained with Duncoinbe to keep 
him awake and moving. At the grove Maxwell 
found a cabin in which were Jeremiah Evans and 
William L. Church. Hearing Maxwell's story, they 
at once set out to rescue Buncombe and Wheelock. 
In rolling over and over in the snow Maxwell had 
made a trail which the rescuers had no trouble in 
folloAving to the suffering men. After being dragged 
to the cabin, Buncombe fell asleep and could not be 
aroused. But by the time the expedition arrived 
on the following day he had awakened and appeared 
to be little or none the worse for his unusual experi- 
ence.'^^ 

By Saturday a number of the men were ill from 
exposure, but uncomplainingly continued the trying- 
march. Major Williams, although the oldest man of 
the expeditionary force, bore his privations ex- 
tremely well, giving no evidence of exhaustion. If 
anything the trials of the march had aroused in him 
a still stronger and sterner fighting spirit. Some 
of the force, apparently bearing the trials well, 
were reported as complaining. One of these men is 
said to have been a veteran of the Mexican War 
and often made the boast that he had been the third 
soldier to enter the Mexican fortress of Churubusco 
when it was stormed and taken by the American 
forces. But now he declared the continuance of 
the march "would result in the destruction of the 
entire command ".-^^ 

Calling a meeting of the battalion. Major Williams 
addressed the men upon the duties and obligations 



178 THE SPIRIT LAKE MASSACRE 

of the expedition, and he ended by declaring : ' ' You 
now understand this is not to be a holiday campaign, 
and every man in the battalion who feels that he has 
gone far enough is at liberty to return. "-*° No one 
w^as willing to accept the offer. It appears, how^- 
ever, that Daniel Okeson and John O'Laughlin, who 
had been accepted under protest on account of their 
age, were now discharged from Company B on ac- 
count of disabilities incident to their years. Under 
protest they accepted discharge and returned to Fort 
Dodge. 

The battalion's ranks, however, were not depleted 
by these dismissals, as Jeremiah Evans and William 
L. Church at once enlisted — the former in Company 
B and the latter in Company C" Evans had been 
a settler at McKnight's Point for some time, and it 
was at his cabin that the advance scouts were re- 
ceived and cared for. Church, whose home was at 
Springfield, Minnesota, had been on a trip to Fort 
Dodge for supplies and had stopped at the Evans 
cabin on his return up the river on the Fort Ridgely 
trail. Upon his arrival he had been told of the mas- 
sacre at the lakes and also that a relief expedition 
was being organized at Fort Dodge to rescue the 
whites who might have escaped and to punish the 
Indians who had done the deed. Upon hearing this 
he had resolved to await the coming of the expedi- 
tion and enlist for service. 

At McKnight's Point a halt of a half-day on Fri- 
day afternoon was taken for purposes of recupera- 
tion. Here a number of deserted cabins furnished 



MARCH TO MEDIUM LAKE 170 

shelter for the men. It was at this halt that Com- 
pany C selected Emery W. Gates as cook. Follow- 
ing his appointment it is said that Gates prepared 
for the men one of the best meals they had ever 
eaten; and they agreed that their stay here was 
one ''grand, good time ".-"'- 

Company A also celebrated, but in an entirely dif- 
ferent manner. To divert the minds of those who 
were suffering from the hardships of the march, 
Captain Richards decided to hold a mock court-mar- 
tial. The victim, a man by the name of Brizee, was 
of course unaware of the fake character of the af- 
fair and took the proceeding with great seriousness. 
It seems that the tar box of Company A's wagon 
had been lost, and for this Brizee was held respon- 
sible. The formal trial procedure — the organiza- 
tion of the court, the summoning of witnesses, the 
taking of testimony, and the rendering of a formal 
decision — was carried through and Brizee was de- 
clared guilty. In all solemnity he was sentenced to 
be shot. It is said that he was very much frightened 
and most earnestly implored a pardon which was 
finally granted.-" 

On the morning of Saturday, the twenty-eighth, 
the three companies bade goodbye to McKnight's 
Point and started for Shippey's Point, which was 
located on the west fork of Cylinder Creek about 
two miles above the junction of the main stream with 
the Des Moines. Since leaving Dakota City the ex- 
pedition had followed as nearly as possible the Fort 
Ridgely road up the Des Moines Vallev — a route 



180 THE SPIRIT LAKE MASSACRE 

which it was planned to continue as far as practi- 
cable. At McCormick's place about two miles below 
Shippey's, they met Angus McBane, Cyrus C. Car- 
penter, William P. Pollock, and Andrew Hood, who 
had heard of the massacre at the Irish Colony and 
were hastening south to Fort Dodge to report.^" 
These men at once joined Company A. 

It was at Shippey's Point that J. M. Thatcher and 
Asa Burtch were found anxiously awaiting the com- 
ing of the battalion. Thatcher was nearly frantic 
over the reported fate of his family, but had been in- 
duced by Burtch to await the coming of the relief 
party — in Company B of which the two men now en- 
listed.'^' The load of supplies — mostly flour, which 
Luce and Thatcher had been taking to the lakes from 
the eastern part of the state — was confiscated for 
the use of the battalion as the supplies of the party 
were growing uncomfortably low and Sherman, the 
commissary, was becoming nervous. 

On Sunday morning the onward march was re- 
sumed with the Irish settlement on Medium Lake as 
the objective point for the day. As the expedition 
moved further to the north, the difficulties of the 
march became greater because the snow increased in 
depth. From Shippey's Point the march followed 
the Dragoon Trail, although no team had been able 
to make its way over this road for weeks. To the 
tired men the drifts seemed mountain high, while the 
depth of the snow in the low places seemed fathom- 
less. The "colony" was finally reached without in- 
cident. 



MARCH TO MEDIUM LAKE 181 

The settlement at Mediimi Lake ('oiii])rise(l about 
twelve or fifteen Irish families who had eome from 
Illinois in the fall of 1856. They had selected claims 
along the Des Moines River, hnt had made no per- 
manent improvements. Instead, they had buiHt 
temporary cabins in a grove at the southwest corner 
of Medium Lake where they planned to spend the 
winter.-**^ In time this temporary settlement devel- 
oped into the town of Emmetsburg, which to the 
present day has retained a large percentage of people 
of Irish nativity. Here also were many people who 
had fled from the perils of an Indian attack and had 
come together for the winter. They were found liv- 
ing in rudely constructed cabin shelters or in dug- 
outs."" Destitute of provisions, they were as far as 
possible being supported from the slender stores of 
their Irish neighbors upon whose pity they had 
thrown themselves. 

While here the expeditionary force w^as augmented 
by new recruits: thereafter it comprised one hun- 
dred and twenty-five men. Since most of these per- 
sons did not formally enlist their names do not ap- 
pear upon the official muster roll of the battalion. 
Not only did the companies receive recruits at Medi- 
um Lake, but it was here that they w^ere able to ex- 
change their worn out oxen for fresh teams. They 
were also able to replenish somewhat their commis- 
sary department, for the new members brought with 
them as much food as the settlement was able to 
spare. 



XXIII 
FROM MEDIUM LAKE TO GRANGER'S POINT 

On Monday morning the expedition set out very 
much refreshed; for the men had not only feasted 
the evening- before but that morning they ''butchered 
a cow that had been wintered on prairie hay. The 
beef was not exactly porterhouse steak, but it was 
food for hungry men.""** The day's march was a 
hard one, and when Big Island Grove near the Mud 
Lakes was reached the men were so exhausted that 
they threw themselves on the ground, rolled up in 
their blankets, and went to sleep without supper. 

Ex-Governor Carpenter, in relating his experienc- 
es as a member of the expedition, says that there was 
after the lapse of forty-one years a picture before 
him "of Capt. Charles B. Richards and Lieutenant 
F. A. Stratton .... with two or three of the 
men, cutting wood, punching the fire, and baking 
pancakes, until long after midnight; and as they 
would get enough baked for a meal they would waken 
some tired and hungry man and give him his supper : 
and the exercises in Company A w^ere but a sample 
of what was in progress in each of the <;om- 
panies."'*^ Thus the greater portion of the night 
was spent by the solicitous officers in caring for their 
men. 

182 



MARCH TO GRANGER'S POINT 183 

After leaving Medium Lake evidences of the pres- 
ence of Indians were observed from time to time. 
What appeared to be moccasin tracks were frequent- 
ly seen. Cattle had been killed in such a manner as 
to leave no doubt that the work had been done by 
Indians. At Big Island Grove many signs of In- 
dians were found. On an island in the middle of 
the lake the Indians had constructed a look-out in 
the tree-tops from which they were able to see the 
country for miles around. Better evidence still of 
the fact that their visits were recent was the report 
that the campiires were still glowing, and that fish- 
ing holes were found in the ice.-'° 

Many members of the expedition believed that the 
Indians, after raiding the settlements at the lake, 
would cross over to the Des Moines and proceed 
south on a war of extermination ; and the signs at 
Big Island Grove were very readily accepted as a 
substantiation of this belief. It is probable, how- 
ever, that this was a mistaken conclusion. Sleepy- 
Eye had frequently rendezvoused at Big Island 
Grove, and the arrival of the expedition may have 
followed closely his departure on the spring hunting 
trip. It is not probable that Inkpaduta's men went 
east of the lakes or south of Springfield. 

On the evening of the arrival of the expedition at 
Big Island Grove, Major Williams decided that since 
they were evidently in the Indian country the march 
should thereafter be made with more caution. Ac- 
cordingly, he called for volunteers for an advance 
scouting party of ten men whose work would be to 



184 THE SPIRIT LAKE MASSACRE 

precede the main expeditionary force and keep a 
sharp look-out for the near approach of Indians and 
to observe, interpret, and report any signs that 
might be discovered. They were to maintain an ad- 
vance of perhaps three miles over the main column. 
Major Williams selected as the commander of this 
advance guard William L. Church, who of all the 
members of the expedition was the most familiar 
Avitli the country in which they were now moving, 
since he had passed through it a number of times 
after settling at Springfield. Those who had volun- 
teered as his companions were Lieutenant Maxwell, 
Thatcher, Hathaway, F. R. Mason, Laughlin, A. S. 
Johnson, De Foe, Carpenter, and another man whose 
identity seems to have been forgotten shortly after 
the return of the expedition to Fort Dodge.^^' 

The members of the advance guard were astir 
early Tuesday morning; and while they breakfasted, 
rations for three days were made ready for each 
man. These rations when totalled amounted to 
forty pounds of corn meal and twenty pounds of 
wheat flour. In addition the men were allowed each 
a piece of corn bread about six inches square, which 
was supposed to be divided among the meals of the 
succeeding three days; but a number of the men, 
deciding that the easiest way to carry the bread was 
to eat it, immediately set about doing that very thing. 
The scouting party left the main body of the expedi- 
tion about six o'clock on a beautiful winter's morn- 
ing — although it was in fact the closing day of 
March. Orders were given to the men to scout 



MARCH TO GRANGE R'S POINT 185 

north, northwest, and northeast of the route to be 
followed by the main body. Lieutenant Maxwell 
and Langhlin, being true plainsmen, took the lead, 
while the remaining eight were soon envying "the 
ease and celerity with which" they "with their long 
legs and wiry frames, pulled through the snow and 
across the snow-drifts ".■''" 

The advance had made about twelve miles when 
the men paused on the bare ridge of the Des Moines 
water-shed for the mid-day meal. Mason was sta- 
tioned as sentry, while the others ate in the sheltered 
lea of the ridge. At some distance from the other 
members of the party, Mason had been at his post 
only a short time when he saw far to the northwest 
a black spot come into view. It soon became evident 
that the spot was moving. The attention of the 
other members of the party was called to the dis- 
covery. After sighting with their ramrods for some 
minutes, they too concluded that the object was really 
on the move. Furthermore it was agreed that the 
moving object must be a party of Indians ; and so 
an attack was planned. 

The squad advanced on the run to meet the party, 
which was probably two miles away. But no sooner 
had the whites started toward the "Indians" than 
the latter were observed to hold a hurried consulta- 
tion. Between the two parties was a willow-border- 
ed creek toward which each started for the apparent 
purpose of ambushing the other. The advance 
guard, having reached and passed the creek first, 
scaled the knoll or ridge of ground just bevond. 



186 THE SPIRIT LAKE MASSACRE 

Having- reached the crest of the swell, the expedi- 
tionists prepared to fight. The opposing force 
halted and likewise seemed to prepare for defense. 
Before beginning the attack, however, the arrival of 
Church and a second man was awaited. When these 
men had come up, breathless but ready for the fray, 
the order to advance was given. Suddenly Church 
gave a shout and sprang forward exclaiming : ' ' My 
God, there's my wife and babies!" The ''Indians" 
turned out to be none other than the refugees from 
Springfield, Minnesota. The meeting was both 
dramatic and pathetic. For days relatives and 
friends of the refugees had believed them dead — 
victims of Indian barbarities. Now some were re- 
united with their loved ones, while others received 
word that their kin were lying in the snows of the 
lake region or had been carried away in captivity by 
the Indians.^"' 

A pathetic sight, indeed, were these terrified fu- 
gitives. ' ' In the haste of their flight they had taken 
but few provisions and scanty clothing. The women 
had worn out their shoes ; their dresses were worn 
into fringe about the ankles ; the children were cry- 
ing with hunger and cold; the wounded were in a 
deplorable condition for want of surgical aid. Their 
food was entirely exhausted ; they had no means of 
making fire; their blankets and clothing were wet 
and frozen .... The refugees were so over- 
come .... that they sank down in the snow, 
crying and laughing alternately, as their deliverers 
gathered around them."-" The wounded were in 



MARCH TO GRANGER'S POINT 187 

a terrible condition. "Mr. Thomas was traveling 
with his hand dangling by the cords of his arm, hav- 
ing been shot through the wrist. "-''^ They were 
* ' almost exhausted from the toilsome march, lack of 
food, exposure to the inclement weather, and the 
terrible anxiety of the previous week. ' '-^'^ 

From the story of the refugees it seems that while 
painfully making their way southward, and almost 
ready to perish from cold, starvation, and physical 
exhaustion, they saw appear upon the summit of a 
ridge far to the southeastward a group of men 
whom they, too, supposed to be Indians. It happen- 
ed that the men of the advance guard were wearing 
shawls as a protection from the cold, and so they 
really did have the appearance of blanket-clad 
Indians. The refugees were wild with terror for 
they felt that their end had certainly come. There 
was only one man in the party who really had the 
courage and was able to fight. Loading the eight 
rifles which were in the possession of the party, John 
Bradshaw prepared to meet the enemy single-hand- 
ed, ready to sacrifice his life if necessary in the de- 
fense of the helpless members of the party. It is 
said that he stood rifle in hand until Church, break- 
ing from the ranks of the advance guard, ran for- 
ward shouting for his wife and children. Not 
until then was it evident to the refugees that friends 
rather than enemies w^ere approaching."^ 

Mason and Smith were chosen to carry the news 
back to the main body of the expedition, which at 
this time was nearly eight miles to the rear. Mason 



188 THE SPIRIT LAKE MASSACRE 

declares that he was so excited that notwithstanding 
his fatigue he ran the whole distance. When the 
messengers were within two miles of the expedition 
their coming was observed by Captains Buncombe 
and Richards who rode out to meet them. Major 
Williams was sent for and a consultation held. Ma- 
son, Duncombe, Richards, and Dr. Bissell were or- 
dered by Major Williams to push forward as rapidly 
as possible to the aid of the refugees. At four 
o'clock in the afternoon the start was made, and so 
well did the men make the return trip that the fu- 
gitives from Springfield were reached about nine 
o'clock. The advance guard and the fugitives were 
found in the shelter of the creek willows over a 
mile from where they had been left. Camp had been 
pitched — if such it could be called. Meanwhile, 
a storm had come up and it was raining furiously, 
which only increased the sad plight of the starving 
and ragged refugees who were without adequate 
shelter.-'** 

When the main expeditionary body arrived about 
midnight strenuous efforts were made to provide 
some sort of comfort for the distressed and starv- 
ing fugitives. The only semblance to a tent in the 
expedition's equipment — one made of blankets 
patched together — was provided them, and their 
wounds were dressed by Dr. Bissell. Being so near 
the scene of the massacre, it was feared that even 
then Indians might be in the vicinity of the camp. 
And so guards were placed to prevent a surprise 
attack. Since the men were greatly exhausted by 



MARC H TO GRANGER'S POINT 180 

the day's efforts, tliey were relieved of guard duty 
each liour. Thus little rest came to any of the men 
that night. In the morning the refugees were again 
fed and provided with blankets by the expeditionary 
force from its already slender store. Being thus 
outfitted, they were given a guard and sent on to 
the Irish Colony. Mr. Church left the expedition at 
this point to accompany his wife and children to Fort 
Dodge and Webster City. 

Learning from the fugitives the facts concerning 
the presence of the Indians at Springfield, Major 
Williams decided to push toward that point as rapid- 
ly as, possible. When the march was resumed on the 
morning following the meeting with the refugees 
from Springfield, the expedition moved in the di- 
rection of Granger 's Point. John Bradshaw, Morris 
Markham, and Jareb Palmer did not continue with 
the refugees, but enlisted as members of the expedi- 
tionary force, each hoping for a chance to even up 
matters with the red men. 

The march to the Granger settlement was enliven- 
ed by a little incident that aided much in detracting 
from the trying ordeal of the march. In the morn- 
ing additional precautions were taken to guard 
against a surprise by Indians: a small group of 
men were selected by Major Williams to scout just 
ahead of the main body and ascertain if Indians 
might chance to be in the timber along the streams 
and aliout the lakes. The scouts were given orders 
to fire their guns only in case they found Indians. 
The advance had continued about three miles wdien 



190 THE SPIRIT LAKE MASS ACRE 

the crack of a gun was heard, followed by a number 
of reports in quick succession from the timber just 
ahead. Immediately two men emerged from the 
timber on the run. Captain Duncombe who was 
about a mile in advance of his command thought the 
runners to be Indians, and he at once gave chase 
hoping to head them oft' before they could enter 
another grove a short distance beyond and for which 
they were evidently making. Being mounted, Dun- 
combe soon approached near enough to recognize 
two of the expedition scouts. 

It was soon learned that while passing through 
the timber two old hunter members of the squad 
chanced to see some beavers sunning themselves on 
the ice. Unable to resist the first impulse, they 
emptied the contents of their guns at the unsuspect- 
ing animals. The men seen running out of the 
timber were only chasing some of the animals that 
had not been killed by the initial volley. Mean- 
while, the whole expeditionary force had been halted, 
and with loaded guns put in readiness for the 
attack. Some members, unable to control them- 
selves, did not wait for the command, but broke 
ranks and ran toward the imagined Indians with 
guns ready for firing. After some little time the 
expedition was again restored to a state of order and 
the march resumed. 

Upon reaching Granger 's Point that evening, they 
were very inhospitably received by a man and boy 
who were occupying the cabin. Little information 
and absolutely no assistance could be secured from 



MARCH TO GRANGER'S POINT 191 

them. They reported that they had no food, with- 
drew into the cabin, and barred the door. Within a 
brief time, however, a horseman arrived, who proved 
to be a United States regular from Captain Bee's 
command which had but lately arrived at Spring- 
field. He brought the information of Bee's arrival, 
of the flight of the Indians westward, and of Bee's 
sending a detail to Spirit Lake to bury the dead. He 
said, however, that the detail had visited only one 
cabin on Spirit Lake and had there found one body 
which they buried. They had made no attempt to 
reach the lower lakes on account of bad weather and 
roads and the shortage of provisions. 

That night Major Williams called a council, and 
upon a review of the facts it was decided to abandon 
the chase. But since the bodies of the massacred 
were yet unburied, it w^as thought that a detail of 
volunteers should proceed to the lakes on that mis- 
sion.-''' 



XXIV 
THE BURIAL DETAIL 

"When morning came the conclusions of the coun- 
cil were reported to the command, and volunteers, 
not over twenty-five in number, were called for to 
serve on the burial detail. The report met with 
a most cordial response and the full quota of volun- 
teers was obtained at once. Those who signified 
their willingness to serve were : Captain J. C. John- 
son and Captain Charles B. Richards, Lieutenant 
John N. Maxwell, and privates Henry Carse, William 
E. Burkholder, William Ford, H. E. Dalley, Orlando 
C. Howe, George P. Smith, Owen S. Spencer, Carl 
Stebbins, Silas Van Cleave, R. U. Wheelock, R. A. 
Smith, Wilham A. De Foe, B. F. Parmenter, Jesse 
Addington, R. McCormick, J. M. Thatcher, William 
R. Wilson, William K. Laughlin, Elias D. Kellogg, 
and another whose name is not known.-*^" 

These men were placed by Major Williams under 
the immediate command of Captain Johnson of Com- 
pany C; and on the morning of April second the 
detail, supplied with two days' rations, took up its 
march for the lakes. From the outset their under- 
taking was precarious ; with limited rations the men 
had no assurance that they would be able to secure 
any more supplies. Nevertheless, they courageously 

192 



THE BURIAL DETAIL 193 

undertook the humanitarian task with the hope that 
somehow the future would care for itself. 

The burial detail was to proceed to the lakes, per- 
form the sad task of burying the dead, and rejoin 
the main command at the Irish settlement on Medi- 
um Lake. Accompanied by two mounted men — 
Captain Richards and another whose name is now 
lost — the detail set out upon its journey; but at 
the crossing of the Des Moines, the first stream 
reached, the horsemen were unable to force a pas- 
sage. The men crossed safely on a log; but the 
horses could not be forced to swim the channel, and 
after an hour's work Captain Richards, and his com- 
panion gave up the effort and returned to the main 
command.'*^^ 

Without incident the members of the party reach- 
ed the southeastern shore of the east lake about tw^o 
o'clock in the afternoon. Making their way to the 
Noble and Thatcher cabin, they found the bodies of 
Enoch Ryan and Alvin Noble at the rear of the 
house. Each body had been riddled with bullets. 
The yard and adjacent prairie were thickly sprinkled 
with feathers which had come from the destroyed 
feather ticks for which the Indians had had no use. 
The bodies were buried at the foot of a large oak 
tree near the house. While some of the party were 
interring the dead at this cabin, others walked on to 
the Howe cabin where seven bodies were found lying 
about the cabin doorstep. Among the mangled re- 
mains found in the yard Thatcher indentified his in- 
fant child. The burials at the How^e cabin were 



194 THE SPIRIT LAKE MASSACRE 

completed late in the afternoon; but darkness pre- 
vented the men from proceeding to the other cab- 
ins. Returning to the Thatcher cabin they there 
planned to pass the night. The body of the Thatcher 
child was interred near the head of a ravine not far 
from the Thatcher cabin. This was in keeping with 
the desire of the father that his child should be 
buried upon his own property. Returning to the 
Howe cabin the following morning, they found the 
body of a boy of about thirteen years of age lying 
at the side of a fallen tree in the dooryard. This 
apparently was Jacob, the brother of Mrs. Noble, 
whom she vainly tried to get into the house. The 
burial detail reported the interment of eight bodies 
at the Howe cabin. 

From Howe's cabin they proceeded to the settle- 
ments on the west lake. At this juncture the party 
was divided, and one section under Captain Johnson 
took the lake shore trail, while a second under 
Lieutenant Maxwell crossed the lake directly in line 
with the Mattock cabin. The Johnson party is said 
to have found the body of Joel Howe near the trail 
and to have buried it near the spot where it was 
found — a place which was lost sight of until its 
alleged discovery in August, 1914, by a young man, 
Lee Goodenough of Knoxville, Iowa, while attending 
a Young Men's Christian Association camp."''- At 
the Mattock cabin the dead were found widely scat- 
tered through the clearing and along the trail to- 
ward the Granger home across the strait. Every 



THE BURIAL DETAIL 195 

evidence of a desperate resistance was noted. Dr. 
Harriott was found with his broken rifle still grasped 
in his hand. Eleven bodies were collected and buri- 
ed at this place. 

Across the strait at the Granger cabin they found 
the body of Carl Granger horribly mutilated, as l)y 
cutting or slashing with some sharp instrument 
about the face. Near him lay his dog which had 
evidently remained faithfully by him to the last. 
The dog's body was also terribly mangled. 

The Gardner home was the last place to be visited. 
Here six bodies were found and buried about fifty 
yards to the southeast of the cabin on a spot said 
to have been designated by Eliza Gardner when 
she met the rescue party. As yet the bodies of Luce 
and Clark had not been found ; indeed they were not 
found until the following June when they were dis- 
covered near the outlet of the east lake. Their 
burial place is not known.'^"^ 

By the time the work of interment was completed 
at the Gardner cabin, it was late in the afternoon. 
The rations of the party were all but gone ; but the 
night was coming on, and so the party decided to 
remain and camp to the north of the Gardner cabin. 
Fortunately Wilson's memory came to the rescue of 
the party in their stress for food : he now recalled 
that in the fall when a visitor at the Gardner cabin 
he had seen Gardner bury a box of potatoes beneath 
the stove to insure them against being frozen during 
the winter. Upon investigation there was discover- 



196 THE SPIRIT LAKE MASSACRE 

ed nearly a bushel of the potatoes which satisfied 
the hunger of the men that evening and on the fol- 
lowing morning. 

After this potato breakfast on the morning of 
April fourth, sixteen of the twenty-three men com- 
posing the detail began the return trip ; while sev- 
en of the party having interests to look after at the 
lakes, decided to remain a few days longer. Those 
who decided to remain were R. A. Smith, Orlando 
C. Howe, K U. Wheelock, B. F. Parmenter, Asa 
Burtch, J. M. Thatcher, and William R. Wilson. 
Howe and Wheelock remained to make sure of their 
load of supplies which Parmenter had been compelled 
to abandon when his two companions started ahead 
of him to Fort Dodge with the news of the mas- 
sacre.^^* 

It appears, however, that the split in the party is 
to be attributed to something besides business de- 
mands. There was a disagreement over the best 
route to be taken on the return trip. While break- 
fasting that morning the discussion had arisen. The 
majority favored as direct a route as possible across 
the open prairie to the Irish Colony. Others of the 
party did not consider such a route to be safe, argu- 
ing that it would be better to retrace the route by 
which they had come — which route would lead them 
to Granger's Point and thence to the Irish Colony. 
Meanwhile, a storm was gathering which seemed to 
add force to the arguments of those in favor of a 
known road. 

The matter could not be settled by argument ; and 



THE BURIAL DETAIL 197 

so, after breakfast Captain Johnson, gave the com- 
mand to fall in. ''After the men had fallen in he 
gave the further order, 'All who favor starting at 
once across the prairie, step three paces to the front ; 
the rest stand fast' .... What little provision 
was left in camp was speedily packed and the party 
made ready to depart at once. ' '-"^ Captain Johnson 
and Burkholder nrged united action upon the seven 
who stood fast ; but the appeal was unavailing, for 
the seven men remained steadfast in their conviction 
that the course as planned w^as wrong. They of- 
fered to join the party if they would take the Grang- 
er route ; but Johnson and Burkholder stood as firm- 
ly against that proposition as the seven were op- 
posed to their plans. Thus the tw^o groups parted 
company — good friends but each firmly convinced 
that the other was in the wrong. The members of 
the party that left took all the food, and were al- 
lowed to do so because those who remained behind 
counted upon securing their store from the wagon- 
load of supplies which had been left somewhere out 
on the prairie. 

The men who remained set out at once to locate 
the wagon and bring in the needed food. It appears 
that there was no difficulty in finding the wagon with 
its cargo of supplies. When each man had loaded 
himself with a supply, they returned as rapidly as 
possible for the gathering storm had broken and 
snow was falling heavily. In a short time, it be- 
came a blinding, driving whirlwind of snow. Reach- 
ing the cabin, they laid in a supply of fuel. Being 



198 THE SPIRIT LAKE MASSACRE 

well armed, they felt no alarm at the prospect of an 
Indian attack. All that could be done while the 
storm raged was to await patiently its abatement. 
Only after two days did the fury of the storm abate 
sufficiently to permit the men to leave the cabin in 
safety. 

The morning- of the second day after the beginning 
of the blizzard dawned clear and intensely cold, al- 
though the weather had moderated somewhat since 
the previous evening. The snow was frozen Avith a 
hard crust and upon it the party from the Gardner 
cabin made their way rapidly in the direction of 
Granger's Point. When they arrived at the Des 
Moines they found the river completely frozen, which 
made the crossing easy. Thus with little trouble 
they were again at Granger's Point where they had 
left the main body five days previously. They now 
procured a team and wagon, loaded their baggage, 
and, after resting a day, started for the Irish settle- 
ment. At this point they found some of the wound- 
ed from the Springfield settlement who had not been 
able to proceed with the main command. Here also 
was Henry Carse who, as will be seen, suffered so 
terribly on the night out from the Gardner cabin. 
Resting a day at the Irish settlement, they resumed 
their journey to Fort Dodge. What had been a 
small party on leaving the Gardner cabin had more 
than doubled in number when the Irish colonists 
were bidden goodbye. 

When Cylinder Creek was reached the party suc- 
ceeded through great etfort in effecting a crossing. 



THE BURIAL DETAIL 199 

The undertaking required the whole of an afternoon, 
but by nightfall the men succeeded in reaching Ship- 
pey's Point two miles beyond. ''From here the 
party proceeded on their way to Fort Dodge, which 
they reached without further adventures than such 
as are incident to swimming swollen streams and 
living on short rations, which, in some instances, 
consisted of a handful of flour and a little salt, which 
they mixed up with water and baked over a camp- 
fire. A few of the party shot, dressed and broiled 
some muskrats and tried to make the rest believe 
they considered them good eating, but that diet did 
not become popular. ' ' ^""^ 

The early part of the day upon which Captain 
Johnson and party left the Gardner cabin, after the 
disagreement of the morning, was quite warm, and 
the rapidly melting snow added greatly to the diffi- 
culties of traveling. Being forced to wade through 
sloughs several feet deep in slush the men were soon 
wet to the shoulders. But they plodded on cheer- 
fully for they were on the way home after the com- 
pletion of an arduous duty. While they were in this 
cheery frame of mind, the blizzard broke upon them 
in all its fury about four in the afternoon. With the 
storm came a rapid fall in temperature, and it was 
not long before the clothes of the members of the 
party were frozen stiff from feet to shoulders — 
rendering progress next to impossible. 

With the oncoming of the storm began the first 
disagreement among the men after leaving the Gard- 



200 THE SPIRIT LAKE MASSACRE 

ner cabin in the morning. Again, it was a matter 
of the best route to be taken. Jonas Murray, a 
trapper who had volunteered as guide, claimed to be 
thoroughly familiar with the country. Not all, how- 
ever, were willing to accept his guidance. Spencer 
and McCormick were the first to break away from his 
leadership. This they did when Mud Creek was 
reached only about eight or nine miles from the point 
of starting. Crossing far to the north of where 
Murray maintained was the proper place, these men 
struck directly east for the settlement which they 
reached within a short time after the storm broke 
upon them.-*^^ 

The other members of the party lost much valuable 
time in wandering southward along the course of 
Mud Creek. Finally a crossing was effected, but 
much farther to the south than several thought it 
should have been. Against the protests of a number, 
Murray continued to lead the party still farther 
south. Near sunset Maxwell and Laughlin found a 
township corner pit, at which they proposed to camp 
for the night since they feared the loss of direction 
in the oncoming darkness. But Murray, Johnson, 
and Burkholder, thought it best to continue and so 
the party pressed on.^*^* Ahead of them was a lake 
to the east of which was a great stretch of uncom- 
monly high grass which seemed to afford good 
shelter. Maxwell, Laughlin, and seven others start- 
ed to walk around this lake to the east ; but Johnson, 
Burkholder, Addington, G. P. Smith, and Murray 
went around in the opposite direction. Finding a 



THE BURIAL DETAIL 201 

shelter Lauglilin called to Johnson's party which 
could then only be dimly seen through the sedge. 
Apparently he was not heard, for the men struck out 
toward the southeast and were not again seen be- 
fore the Irish settlement was reached. Laughlin's 
party decided to remain where it was rather than 
attempt to follow. 

As soon as the halt was made the men tumbled 
down in a shivering heap and huddled closely to- 
gether to keep from freezing. In crossing sloughs 
several men had removed their boots to keep them 
dry, while others had cut holes in the leather in or- 
der to let the water out. Carse had removed his 
boots, but found it impossible to replace them for 
they were frozen stiff. He then tore his blanket into 
pieces and wrapped his feet as well as he could, but 
even then he suffered fearfully from the cold. Max- 
well and Laughlin, realizing the danger of freezing 
to death, did not permit themselves to sleep the whole 
night through: they kept constantly on the move 
and compelled the others to do the same. Whenever 
any man fell asleep the others would pick him up, 
arouse him, and force him to remain awake and on 
the move regardless of his objections. Some of the 
men begged that they be allowed to sleep, protesting 
that moving about in their ice stiffened garments 
was worse punishment than they could bear. Thus 
all night long the awful vigil was kept. It was 
largely due to the tireless watching of Maxwell and 
Laughlin that no one froze to death, although the 
temperature that night was said to have been thirty- 



202 THE SPIRIT LAKE MASSACRE 

four degrees below zero at points in Iowa much 
farther south. -"^ 

The next day opened clear and cold. About eight 
miles to the east was seen a grove of timber. Every 
man expressed himself as willing and able to travel ; 
and so without breakfast (for they had no food) the 
party started in that direction, believing that the 
timber bordered the Des Moines. Maxwell was the 
last to leave camp, and when about three miles from 
the timber he found Carse sitting on the sunny side 
of a small mound trying to pull on his frozen boots. 
The blanket w^rappings of his feet had already be- 
come so worn in traveling over the ice and snow that 
he could go no further. Maxwell endeavored to take 
Carse along w^ith him, but every time he tried to 
g-uide him toward the timber Carse obstinately in- 
sisted on taking the opposite direction. It soon be- 
came evident that the man had grown delirious and 
that nothing could be done with him on the open 
prairie. Henry E. Dallej^, seeing the difficulty, came 
to Maxwell's assistance. The two were able to get 
Carse to the timber, by which time he was uncon- 
scious and blood was streaming from his mouth.''" 

Laughlin and Kellogg, who had reached the timber 
first, had set about the building of a fire when it was 
discovered that not a member of the party had 
matches. Laughlin 's ingenuity, however, came to 
the rescue. He had a gun and powder, and was 
wearing a vest with a heavy, quilted cotton lining. 
Removing some of the cotton from his vest he loaded 
the gun with a powder charge and rammed it down 



TPIE BURIAL DETAIL 203 

tight with cotton. He then discharged the gun into 
a piece of rotten wood which, after some attention, 
began blazing. Dallev soon arrived with the help- 
less Carse. When the blanket wrappings were re- 
moved from Carse 's feet the skin of the soles came 
with them. Dalley finally succeeded in stopping the 
bleeding and in reviving him. It was only a few 
nights before that Carse had befriended Dalley by 
taking him under his own blanket. The boy — for 
such he was, being less than twenty years of age — 
was poorly clad and had suffered much from the 
trials of the expedition. His youthful strength and 
courage, however, carried him safely through to the 
end. Meanwhile, Kellogg had seated himself at the 
base of a tree and before anyone had observed his 
need for attention he too had become unconscious 
from exposure. Before he could be revived it was 
necessary to cut his icy clothing away from his body 
as the only practicable means of removing it. When 
this had been done he gradually regained conscious- 
ness and seemed but little the worse for his experi- 
ence.^'^ 

Laughlin and Maxwell, having attended those who 
were needing help and noting that all were as com- 
fortable as conditions would permit, started out to 
cross the river with a view to locating the Irish set- 
tlement. They found the river frozen thick enough 
to support them, with the exception of a few^ spots 
over which they improvised a bridge of poles. Mak- 
ing their way to the margin of the timber, they saw 
the settlement in plain sight not over three miles 



204 THE SPIRIT LAKE MASSACRE 

away. Help was at once secured wliicli enabled 
them to get the disabled members of the party across 
the river and to safety in the homes of the settle- 
ment. Here they found Major Williams awaiting 
their coming. 

Without delay Major Williams sent men down the 
Des Moines to look for Johnson and his companions. 
They remained out during the whole of the day ; and 
when they returned near dark reported that they had 
discovered no trace of the men, but had found a cabin 
in which a good fire was burning. The Major con- 
cluded that the men had been at the cabin and had 
then gone southward, following the course of the 
river. Three of the five men in the party — Smith, 
Addington, and Murray — came to the settlement the 
following morning but could give little information 
concerning Johnson and Burkholder. Smith had 
been the last to see them; and his story left no 
doubt in the minds of most of his hearers that the 
two men had perished somewhere to the west of the 
Des Moines River. 

The two unfortunate men having become complete- 
ly exhausted by wading streams and sloughs had 
finally sat down declaring that they were unable to 
go any farther. They were sheeted with ice from 
head to feet. Their feet were badly frozen and, 
unable to walk, they insisted, against Smith's ad- 
vice, upon removing their boots. Realizing that 
they could not replace the boots they cut their 
blankets in strips with which to wrap their feet. At 
this time they were in sight of the timber along the 



THE BURIAL DETAIL 205 

Des Moines River, which they were urged to exert 
every effort to reach. But they were unable to rise 
from, the ground. "After vainly trying for a long 
time to get them to make another effort to reach the 
timber, Smith at last realized that to save his own 
Hfe he must leave them. After going some distance 
he looked back and saw them still on their knees in 
the snow, apparently unable to rise. It is not likely 
they ever left the spot where Smith left them, but, 
overcome with cold, they finally sank down and per- 
ished side by side. ' "'' Nearly eleven years later two 
skeletons were found near the place where Smith 
said he left his companions. By the guns and pow- 
der flasks lying near them the skeletons were identi- 
fied as being those of Johnson and Burkholder.-'^ 



XXV 
EETUEN OF THE RELIEF EXPEDITION 

From Granger's Point the return of the main body 
of the command was uneventful until the Irish settle- 
ment was reached and passed. It will be recalled 
that Mdien the burial detail was outfitted nearly all 
of the scanty rations then remaining were turned 
over to them because of the probable hardships 
which would be encountered in venturing into the 
hostile lake region. Thus the main command was 
hard pressed in the matter of providing itself with 
adequate supplies. By the end of the first day the 
command had reached the cabin of an old trapper 
near the shore of Mud Lake. The experiences of 
the first night out are illustrative of the extremity 
to which members of the expedition were driven 
upon their homeward journey. 

At the trapper's cabin were found the frozen car- 
casses of some beaver, which it was thought could 
be utilized as food. But frozen beaver even when 
roasted failed to satisfy the hunger of the men. 
Captain Richards tells of one member of his com- 
pany, George W. Brizee, who, as a result of exposure 
was suffering from a severe case of toothache and 
very sore feet. Finally, the pain in his feet grew 
easier. But "his tooth reminded him that it needed 

206 



RETURN OF RELIEF EXPEDITION 207 

his attention; and after lying down and trying to 
sleep, frequently reiterating that he knew he should 
die, he got up and went out and returned with a 
hind-quarter of beaver and began to roast it over 
the coals; and in a half-reclining position he spent 
the entire night roasting and trying to eat the tough, 
leathery meat, first consigning his feet to a warmer 
climate, and then as his toothache for a time at- 
tracted most of his attention, giving us a lecture on 
dentistry; when his tooth was relieved for a short 
time he would, with both hands holding on to the 
partially roasted quarter of beaver, get hold with his 
teeth and try to tear off a piece ! The picture by the 
weird light of the fire was a striking one ' '.-' * 

The party did not tarry long at the Irish settle- 
ment, which was reached on the evening of the next 
day, since it was evident that the settlers had barely 
sufficient food to keep themselves alive and would 
surely suffer if the command remained for any 
length of time.-'^ The day of leaving Medium Lake 
was a cloudy one and rather warm — just such a day 
as is sure to start the water running from rapidly 
melting snow. Only a short distance had been trav- 
eled when rain began falling — first as a drizzle, 
but by the time Cylinder Creek was reached it was 
a downpour. The prairies were flooded, while Cy- 
linder Creek was about half a mile wide, completely 
covering its rather narrow bottom, which was under 
from two to five feet of water, while the main chan- 
nel had a depth of fifteen to twenty feet and was 
from sixty to eighty feet wide. Obviously the 



208 THE SPIRIT LAKE MASSACRE 

problem of crossing would be a serious one. Arriv- 
ing at the border of the valley about two o'clock in 
the afternoon the command vainly sought a passage. 
Then suddenly the wind veered sharply to the north- 
west and became a gale — the rain changing into a 
blinding fall of snow. This was the fearful blizzard 
of April fourth that overtook the Johnson party on 
its return from the Gardner cabin. 

Captains Richards and Buncombe, not despairing 
of being able to effect a crossing of the main channel, 
undertook to improvise a boat out of a nearly new 
wagon box. With very little effort this wagon box 
was caulked water tight with bedquilt cotton. Solon 
Mason and Guernsey Smith were the men chosen to 
assist in getting the boat across the channel. But 
the wind blew so hard that, although Richards and 
Buncombe bailed water as rapidly as they could, the 
party scarcely reached the opposite side of the chan- 
nel before the make-believe boat sank — the men 
barely saving themselves from drowning. Thus the 
attempt to take all across in that manner failed. ^"^ 
Having no blankets and unable to assist their com- 
rades on the opposite side, there was nothing to do 
but hasten on to Shippey's Point which was two or 
three miles distant.-"' This point they reached about 
nine o 'clock at night. Here they were liberally fed, 
and by sitting around the fire all night were able to 
dry their clothes by exposing first one side and then 
the other to the fire. 

When morning came the storm had abated some- 
what, and so it was decided to return to the creek 



RETURN OF RELIEF EXPEDITION 209 

in an effort to locate the command. Mason had not 
gone far when he succumbed to the cold and had to 
be taken back. It seems that in crossing the Cylin- 
der he had lost both overcoat and cap. Upon their 
arrival at the east side of the bottom the men could 
see nothing on the other side to indicate the presence 
of their comrades. After spending some time in 
trying to accomplish a crossing, they gave up the 
attempt and returned to Shippey's. There they 
remained until about the middle of the afternoon 
when they again returned to the creek. This time 
they were no more successful than before. Ke- 
signed to the thought that the remainder of the 
command had either perished or returned to Medium 
Lake, they wandered back to Shippey's. Shortly 
after their return, Hoover and Howland came in 
and reported that when they left the command all 
were safe on the west side, though suffering con- 
siderably while waiting for the channel to freeze. 

Early on Monday morning, while the blizzard was 
yet raging and the cold was still intense, the little 
group at Shippey's once more started for the creek 
in an effort to locate their companions. Reaching 
the creek, the little group saw the men on the op- 
posite side making preparations to cross — the storm 
by this time having abated so that a crossing might 
be attempted. The creek was now solidly frozen so 
that the task of crossing was easy. The way to 
Shippey's was soon made. Here they told the story 
of how they had saved themselves from the terrors 
of the awful storm. 



210 THE SPIRIT LAKE MASSACRE 

From this story it appears that no thought of re- 
turning to the Irish settlement had been entertained 
by those who had been left behind. Major Williams 
and two or three others had, indeed, returned, hop- 
ing that they would there find the burial detail and 
guide them to the Cylinder Creek camp. Those at 
the latter place resolved to remain and await the 
dying down of the storm before making any further 
attempt at crossing; and they set to work to impro- 
vise a shelter. Again the tarpaulin wagon covers were 
brought into use and supplemented with blankets, 
which when fastened together were stretched around 
and over the wagon frames and then staked down to 
the frozen ground. This improvised shelter was 
completely closed excepting a small flap opening on 
the south or lea side which served the purpose of a 
door. Then with blankets and other covers a com- 
mon bed was made ; and into this the party crowded, 
wet from head to feet. Here they remained from 
Saturday night until Monday morning when a few 
ventured out to examine the state of the weather,-'^ 
Finding conditions satisfactory they began the 
crossing after having tarried "over forty hours, 
without food or fire, on the open prairie, ivith the 
mercury at 32° below zero.''^-'^^ 

It is little wonder that when they started to make 
the crossing the men had scarcely ''strength enough 
to reach the opposite shore. . . . Every man's 
mouth was open wide, his tongue hanging out, and 
in some instances blood running from nose or 
mouth. "-*° Governor Carpenter, in commenting 



RETURN OF RELIEF EXPEDITION 211 

upon this terrific test of endurance notes that "since 
that experience upon Cylinder Creek, I have 
marclied with armies engaged in actual war. Dur- 
ing three and a half years' service, the army with 
which I was connected, marched from Cairo to Chat- 
tanooga, from Chattanooga to Atlanta, from Atlanta 
to the Sea, and from the Sea through the Carolinas 
to Richmond. . . . But I never in those weary 
years experienced a conflict with the elements that 
could be compared with the two nights and one day 
on Cylinder Creek. "-'^ 

After refreshing themselves at Shippey's the men 
held a consultation and reached the decision that 
henceforth the command should break up into small 
details — a plan that seemed necessary on account 
of the increasing difficulty of securing food. Each 
group was to find its way home in the best manner it 
might be able to devise. Every man was ordered to 
rid himself of all surplus baggage, retaining only his 
blanket. Thus the expedition really came to an end 
with the crossing of Cylinder Creek. But the hard- 
ships of the men were not ended; before a number 
of the squads reached home they endured trials al- 
most as severe as those encountered before crossing 
the Cylinder. 

The experience of the little group which Frank 
R. Mason undertook to guide is perhaps t^-^Dical of 
the hardships of the journey south from Shippey's. 
Mason had frequently been north of Fort Dodge 
hunting in the timber along Lott's Creek, and for 
that reason he was selected by a Webster City group 



212 THE SPIRIT LAKE MASSACRE 

to pilot them home. "With his party he struck out 
boldly across the prairie in a line which he thought 
would lead to a clearing in the timber where he 
knew they would receive a hearty welcome. As 
darkness came on the men began to show exhaus- 
tion; but the looked-for timber along Lott's Creek 
did not appear. One of the men, Hathaway by 
name, became wholly exhausted and had to be car- 
ried. Within a short time he became delirious ; and 
then the united efforts of three of the party were 
needed to keep him under control, w^ith only indiffer- 
ent success. Finally passing into a stupor he was 
more easily managed. 

When Mason and his companions reached the tim- 
ber at about eleven o'clock the expected cabin could 
not be found. The men grew impatient and at times 
were inclined to criticize Mason as an incompetent 
guide. Having reached a slight elevation or ridge, 
and despairing of locating the cabin, they prepared 
to spend the night. Snow was cleared away until 
the bare ground was reached and upon this they 
threw themselves. They had had no food since the 
start; indeed they had not brought any with them, 
for they had expected to reach the cabin before 
nightfall. When they had lain sleepless for nearly 
an hour, voices were heard and out of the darkness 
appeared human forms. ^^" The newcomers were Mr. 
and Mrs. Elwood Collins who were returning from 
an evening spent at a neighbor's home. 

The finding of the men is thus described by Mrs. 
Collins. "Husband and I, after having stayed later 



RETURN OF RELIEF EXPEDITION 213 

than usual at a neighbor's, started for home. . . . 
All at once the outline of dark objects appeared be- 
fore us .... I at first thought we might be 
upon a company of Indians ! We were too near to 
retreat .... I then heard groans of distress, 
and I thought sobs .... We had a lantern, 
and as the light shone upon the place my pity was 
truly stirred. There, with the snow crushed be- 
neath them, were eight men ; some sitting, some re- 
clining, and others lying flat upon their backs ! " 2*3 

Having been piloted to the clearing the men slept 
that night in the cabin loft. In the morning they 
breakfasted hastily and resumed their journey to 
Webster City. Hathaway and Gates had to be left 
at the cabin as they were not able to proceed. This 
day's experience was but a repetition of the previ- 
ous one. As darkness fell the men were again ex- 
hausted, but by crawling on hands and knees they 
managed to reach the cabin of a Mr. Corsau w^here 
they were taken in for the night. On the folloAving 
day they were taken by Corsau to Webster City. 
Thus ended, for this Webster City group, the fear- 
ful experience of attempting to relieve the settlers 
of the lake region from Indian attacks. 

For the Fort Dodge men the task of making their 
w^ay home was easier, as it did not necessitate the 
crossing of as many streams — which at this time 
were in flood condition. At the same time their 
trip was not lacking in incidents of trial. They 
arranged the march from cabin to cabin so that they 
might have no difficulty in procuring food, for they, 



214 THE SPIRIT LAKE MASSACRE 

too, made no attempt to carry supplies. More than 
once the men experienced trials similar to those en- 
countered by the Mason party, and like them they 
too found the place searched for before hope was 
gone. AVithin three or four days after leaving Cy- 
linder Creek, all parties had straggled in — weary, 
worn, and wasted. They were met with a hearty 
welcome from friends who had thought them in all 
probability lost on the northwestern prairies. All 
who had volunteered in the expedition returned home 
in safety, except Johnson and Burkholder who per- 
ished in the snow. 



XXVI 

THE DEATH OF MRS. THATCHER 

From March twenty-sixth to April tenth, while 
the relief expedition from Fort Dodge and Webster 
City was making its way painfully to and from the 
scene of the massacre at the lakes, Inkpaduta and 
his band continued their flight. When Lieutenant 
Murry's men had been sighted by the look-out, warn- 
ing of their approach was communicated through 
the Indian camp. The warriors crouched among the 
willows along the creek ready to spring out upon 
their pursuers, while the squaws and children made 
hurried preparations for a hasty retreat if need be. 
Meanwhile, a warrior stood guard over the helpless 
white captives with orders to shoot them the moment 
the soldiers should attack. But Coursalle and La 
Framboise, who were guiding Murry's men, declared 
that the signs were so old that pursuit would be 
hopeless; and so the soldiers returned to the main 
command. No sooner had they started on their 
return than Inkpaduta fled from his temporary camp 
and began the long journey to the Big Sioux, the 
James, and the region beyond. 

The Indians were now thoroughly alarmed at the 
nearness of danger, and for two days and nights 
they kept up a continuous flight. No stops were 

215 



216 THE SPIRIT LAKE MASSACRE 

made to prepare food : if they ate at all it was while 
they were on the move. Such a sustained flight 
would have been arduous enough for untrained 
marchers under the most favorable conditions, but 
for the women captives it was terrible. Not only 
were they compelled to wade through snow and slush 
but they were burdened with loads which might well 
have been regarded as too heavy for men to bear. 

Mrs. Marble states that upon leaving Heron Lake 
she and her associates 'Svere forced to carry heavy 
packs, and perform the degrading and menial ser- 
vices in the camp .... that the pack .... 
consisted of two bags of shot, each weighing twenty- 
five pounds, and a lot of camp furniture, increasing 
the weight of the pack to 100 pounds. On top of 
this heavy load .... was placed the addition- 
al weight of an Indian urchin of some three or four 
years of age. ' ' '^* The papoose which she was sup- 
posed to carry seemed to consider that it was en- 
titled to as many liberties and as much attention 
when carried by her as it would have enjoyed if in 
the care of its mother. Mrs. Marble objected to 
making friends with the baby, and watching her op- 
portunity would scratch it in the face until the In- 
dians, hearing its cries, finally concluded it didn't 
like her and took it away. 

Abbie Gardner, though but a girl, was also bur- 
dened with a pack — though its weight was some- 
what less than that carried by Mrs. Marble. It was 
made up of "eight bars of lead, one pint of lead- 



DEATH OF MRS. THATCHER 217 

balls, one tepee cover made of the heaviest, thickest 
cloth, one blanket, one bed-comforter, one iron bar, 
three feet long and half an inch thick .... 
one gun, and one piece of wood several inches wide 
and four feet long, to keep the pack in shape. "--^ 

This burdening of the captives was the more ob- 
jectionable to them since the Indian men were en- 
cumbered with nothing but a gam. As a matter of 
course the squaws carried packs, but they were ac- 
customed to such burden-bearing and knew how to 
save themselves from its ill effects. Moreover, the 
squaws were frequently equipped with a sort of 
crude snowshoe wdiich greatly aided them in walk- 
ing. The white captives sank deep into the snow at 
every step. They dared not stop to rest, for when- 
ever they slackened their pace the Indians w^ould 
level guns at them and resort to various other de- 
vices to keep them moving. 

The food which the Indians had secured at Oko- 
boji and Springfield supplied them for about four 
weeks. Following this they made little or no effort 
to secure food by hunting. If game crossed their 
path they would kill it — if they could do so without 
much effort. But there was no organization of 
hunting parties. After the confiscated supplies were 
exhausted, they contented themselves with muskrat 
and skunk; and as a luxury, Mrs. Sharp relates, 
they indulged in dog. As spring opened they were 
able to secure a few ducks and geese, which seemed 
very plentiful, but of which the Indians obtained 



218 THE SPIRIT LAKE MASSACRE 

only a few. Sucli delicacies, however, were never 
shared with the captives: they were not even al- 
lowed to assist in their preparation. 

The treatment of the horses secured at Okoboji 
and Springfield was still worse. There was neither 
hay nor grass — little or nothing upon which the 
horses might feed. Even so they were given but 
slight opportunity to feed. Before the Big Sioux 
had been reached nearly all of the horses taken in 
the raids at the lakes had died of starvation.-*" 

Continued pursuit and ultimate capture by the 
soldiers seem to have soon lost their terrors for the 
Indians. Although they kept constantly on the move, 
progress was not very rapid — largely owing to the 
huge drifts of snow over and through which they 
were compelled to travel. Their first stopping-place, 
after nearly two weeks of uninterrupted marching, 
was at the great red pipestone quarry in south- 
western Minnesota. This was but little more than 
one hundred miles nortlnvest of Heron Lake. Here 
they remained for a day quarrying pipestone and 
fashioning pipes. A further cause for delay was 
the fact that the snow was rapidly melting and 
travel, even for the Indians, w^as very difficult. 

The Indians were now in a sacred region to which 
all the Sioux were wont to make frequent journeys — 
a region closely associated with the superstitions of 
their race. Here the footprints made by the Great 
Spirit when he alighted upon the earth could be 
seen. It was while he stood here that a stream of 



DEATH OF MRS. THATCHER 219 

water burst forth from beneath his feet and flowed 
away to nourish the plain. Here it was that tlie 
Great Spirit fashioned a pipe and smoked: huge 
volumes of smoke issued forth serving as a signal 
for all the tribes to assemble from far and near. 
When so assembled, the Great Spirit, blowing the 
smoke over all, bade them meet here always in peace 
even though they might be at war elsewhere. More- 
over, if they wished to receive his favor, the calumet 
must be fashioned from the rock upon which he 
stood. Having thus enjoined his people, the Great 
Spirit disappeared in a cloud. It is said that ever 
afterward when the Indians met at the pipestone 
quarry, they met in peace though elsewhere they 
might be at war.--' 

After leaving the pipestone region so much time 
was consumed by the Indians in camping that it 
might be said they camped more than they marched. 
This is explained by the fact that they felt them- 
selves now^ wholly free from the danger of pursuit. 
Spring was rapidly approaching and the smaller 
game was becoming more plentiful ; and so they did 
not feel the need of hastening to the buffalo ranges 
in Dakota. 

The burdens of the captives grew increasingly 
more difficult. Although snow^ no longer impeded 
their march, the rains were frequent and the rivers 
and creeks were flowing wide over the valleys. 
When it rained they were without shelter. The 
streams were crossed by the Indians on the backs of 



220 THE SPIRIT LAKE MASSACRE 

the few ponies that yet survived. But the captives 
had to wade at the risk of losing their lives: they 
could not swim. 

Notwithstanding the hardships through which 
they were compelled to pass, all but Mrs. Thatcher 
were faring much better than might have been ex- 
pected. Mrs. Marble, Mrs. Noble, and Abbie Gard- 
ner were willing to appear resigned to their lot and 
did all that was requested of them: they even ap- 
peared ready and willing to perform the many 
menial duties which fell to their lot. With Mrs. 
Thatcher, however, it was different. She had from 
the first rebelled at the service imposed by her In- 
dian captors ; nor did she hesitate to show them very 
plainly her frame of mind. This attitude on her 
part proved to be most unfortunate. 

From the beginning of her captivity Mrs. Thatch- 
er had been ill with phlebitis, which before the end 
of two weeks had developed into virulent blood poi- 
soning.^^* Indeed, so serious was her condition that 
for a large portion of the march she had been re- 
lieved of much of her pack. At the pipestone quarry 
and on the march after leaving that region the 
medicine man of the band had undertaken to treat 
her — and the treatment seemed to help her. To 
such an extent had she been relieved that the Indians 
considered her again able to bear a pack. Thus it 
happened that when they arrived at the crossing of 
the Big Sioux near the present village of Flandrau, 
Mrs. Thatcher was laden as heavily as were the 
other three captives. 



DEATH OF MRS. THATCHER 221 

This crossing had been for generations the fording 
place of the red peoples in their pilgrimages to the 
pipestone quarry. Normally the river at this point 
is wide but shallow. But "the vast amount of snow 
wdiich covered the ground that memorable winter 
had nearly gone, by reason of the rapid thawing 
during the last few weeks, causing the river to rise 
beyond all ordinary bounds, and assume majestic 
proportions." -^^ Throughout the greater portion of 
the upper course of the Big Sioux it flows between 
perpendicular and continuous cliffs of red jasper 
rocks peculiar to the region, but at or near this tra- 
ditional crossing place the stone cliffs were neither 
high nor continuous. Moreover, at this particular 
time so many tree trunks had become lodged by the 
spring freshets that at one point a bridge crossing- 
was formed. Upon this the Indians proposed to 
cross, instead of attempting the more dangerous 
method of fording. At the prospect of crossing the 
swollen stream, the captives were terrified, believing 
that they would again be compelled to wade. They 
despaired of being able to get across. The situation 
seemed quite hopeless. 

As soon as the determination to cross had been 
reached, an Indian warrior — the one who had seized 
the box of caps from Gardner — removed the pack 
from Mrs. Thatcher's back and transferred it to his 
own.^^" This in itself was ominous, and Mrs. 
Thatcher was not slow to perceive that some unusual 
disposition was to be made of her. As she was 
ordered forward to the driftwood bridge she spoke 



222 THE SPIRIT LAKE MASSACRE 

to her companions, bidding them goodbye and say- 
ing as she did so : ' ' If any of you escape, tell my 
dear husband that I wanted to live for his sake."^^^ 
When she had made the middle of the stream, the 
Indian carrying her pack suddenly tripped her into 
the river. Retaining her presence of mind she was 
able by desperate efforts to keep herself afloat. A 
number of times she succeeded in making her way 
to the banks of the stream where, grasping the roots 
of trees, she strove to pull herself out of the water. 
But each time she was met by an Indian who clubbed 
her loose and with a long pole pushed her into the 
main current. Finally, as she came to shore and 
grasped the roots of a tree for what proved to be 
the last time, an Indian who had always been pecul- 
iarly brutal in his treatment of the captive raised 
his g-un and shot her through the head, killing her 
instantly.-^- 

Mrs. Marble relates that the death of Mrs. Thatch- 
er ''was hailed by the Indian women with loud 
shouts of joy and exultation. — The feelings of the 
surviving prisoners at this horrid murder, cannot 
be imagined. They beheld in Mrs. Thatcher's death, 
the fate reserved for them, when overpowered by 
fatigue, they would be unable to proceed. "-^^ 

The death of Mrs. Thatcher was a sad blow to the 
remaining captives: it was particularly distressing 
to Mrs. Noble. These two w^omen had been lifelong 
friends and had married cousins. The families had 
come to the frontier together, had lived in the same 



DEATH OF MRS. THATCHER 223 

cabin, and had planned to build homes as nearly to- 
gether as possible. Mrs. Noble was so depressed 
and so bereft of any hope that in the evening she 
proposed to the other captives that they steal away 
to the Big Sioux and drown themselves. Mrs 
Marble, however, succeeded in convincing her that 
such an act would be useless. But from this time 
Mrs. Noble seemed to be wholly indifferent as to her 
treatment or possible fate at the hands of her cap- 
tors. The captives were now made to realize as 
never before the heartlessness of their captors : they 
lived in the expectation that any day might see for 
them the end of life. 

Before them lay many days of the most wearisome 
travel. It is true that walking had become easier, 
for spring had really come and the trails were much 
improved. With spring had come also the blossom- 
ing of the prairies; but in this there was neither 
charm nor beauty for the captives as they wearily 
plodded on knowing not whither they were bound. 
After crossing the Big Sioux the journey was con- 
tinued in a nearly direct line w^estward. Other 
bands of Sioux or Yanktons were now frequently 
seen; and notwithstanding the reputation of Ink- 
paduta, he and his band were usually very cordially 
met by other Indians. Indeed, they were more than 
cordially greeted from time to time at these chance 
meetings. The fact that they seemed to be known by 
all bands they chanced to meet suggests that they 
were not strangers to the region. The storv of how 



224 THE SPIRIT LAKE MASSACRE 

they obtained their captives, which was always told, 
seemed to be received with every sign of approba- 
tion. 

By May fifth Inkpaduta and his band had reached 
Lake M'da Chan-Pta-Ya Tonka (Lake with a Grove 
of Big Trees). This body of water lies to the east 
of the present town of Madison, South Dakota, at 
the headwaters of Skunk Creek, and for that reason 
it has sometimes been called Skunk Lake.^^* Situat- 
ed about thirty miles west of Flandrau, South Dako- 
ta, it is now known as Lake Madison. At the time 
it was visited by Inkpaduta it was on the margin of 
the buffalo range. Hunting was now quite the order 
of the day, and food became plentiful. The dress- 
ing and preparing of skins occupied the time of the 
squaws. 



XXVII 
THE RANSOM OF MRS. MARBLE 

In view of the events which followed the camping 
of the Indians at Skunk Lake, it may be well to take 
note of the attempts made by the Indian agent and 
by the Territory of Minnesota to rescue the captives 
and punish the Indians. When the news of the mas- 
sacre reached St. Paul and other Minnesota towns 
it created no little excitement. The Sioux were 
blamed as a nation, and this gave rise to a demand 
for their punishment without just regard for the 
identification of the actual perpetrators of the deed. 

Charles E. Flandrau, the agent of the Mississippi 
Sioux who w^as then located at the agency on the 
Yellow Medicine, solved the problem of the identity 
of the murderers to his own satisfaction, and late in 
April began the publication of articles in a number 
of the most widely circulated newspapers in Min- 
nesota in which he explained to the people of the 
Territory the real identity of the Indians concerned. 
While doing this he was also conferring with Colonel 
E. B. Alexander, commander of the Tenth United 
States Infantry then stationed at Fort Ridgely, 
Minnesota, concerning the best course to be pursued 
in the attempt to rescue the captives and apprehend 
the Indians. It was very clear to both that only such 

225 



226 THE SPIRIT LAKE MASSACRE 

a course could be adopted and followed as would 
be reasonably sure to guarantee the safety of the 
white w^omen who presumably were still held in cap- 
tivity by Inkpaduta's band. It was felt by both 
Agent Flandrau and Colonel Alexander that the re- 
lease of the captives must be secured by resort to 
some means other than force ; but neither of these 
men was able to devise the proper means. While 
they were seeking a solution of the difficulty, new^s 
was brought of the ransoming of Mrs. Marble. 

It seems that two Indian brothers from the Yellow 
Medicine Agency, who had been Christianized by the 
Eev. Stephen R. Riggs, had gone into the district 
beyond the Big Sioux to take part in the spring hunt 
along with other members of their tribe. While in 
the vicinity of Skunk Lake, the brothers, Ma-kpe- 
ya-ka-ho-ton (Sounding Heavens) and Se-ha-ho-ta 
(Gray foot) by name, sons of Spirit Walker, Chief 
of the Lac qui Parle Wahpetons, heard that Inkpa- 
duta had lately passed through the region. -°^ They 
were also told that his band held as captives three 
white women who had been taken in a raid which 
they had but lately made upon the settlements at 
the lakes. The first feeling of the brothers was one 
of pity for the captives, since they well knew^ the fe- 
rocious character of the Inkpaduta band. Discussing 
the matter betw^een themselves, they decided to visit 
the camp of Inkpaduta for the purpose of securing 
the release of the captives. The plan met with dis- 
approval when it w^as submitted to their companions 
wdio feared the consequences. But the brothers 



RANSOM OF MRS. MARBLE 227 

were so strongly convinced that they coukl secui-e 
the release of at least one of the prisoners, and pos- 
sibly of all, that they refused the advice of their fel- 
lows and set out on the trail of Inkpaduta. 

Anticipating that the release of the captives might 
only be secured through ransom, the brothers had 
collected from their companions as much in the way 
of personal belongings as could be spared. Adding 
this to their own supply they thought they had suf- 
ficient property to accomplish their purpose. Being- 
Indians themselves, and therefore well acquainted 
with the Indian attitude of mind, they did not take 
their possessions with them when they went to Ink- 
paduta 's camp to negotiate. Instead they concealed 
the property in the brush on the lake shore not far 
distant. At first they were not received with any 
show of cordiality, for they were known to be 
Christian Indians: Inkpaduta suspected them as 
spies, and they were constantly watched, since they 
were supposed to be in direct communication with 
United States soldiers. Frequently, as they would 
move about the camp, an alarm would be raised that 
soldiers were coming.-^*' 

The first night spent by the brothers in the camp 
was wholly taken up vdih the recital of the well-woni 
tale of the massacre. At daybreak the brothers 
broached the reason for their coming. All fore- 
noon the proposition was argued. Grayfoot, acting 
in the capacity of spokesman of the brothers, did not 
hesitate to tell Inkpaduta the enormity of the crime 
he had committed.-" But Inkpaduta remained un- 



228 THE SPIRIT LAKE MASSACRE 

impressed ; and not until mid-afternoon did he give 
any sign of wavering. Finally he proposed that the 
brothers take only one of the captives. This, he 
added, would show his good faith in the matter. It 
was also quite evident that this proposition was made 
for the purpose of getting rid of his unwelcome and 
tenacious visitors as soon as possible. The price 
demanded for the release of even one of the captives 
was so high that there was nothing to do but accept 
the offer — especially since it was clear that a longer 
parley was useless. The price for the one was to be 
''one gun, a lot of blankets, a keg of powder, and a 
small supply of Indian trinkets. "^^^ 

It appears that Inkpaduta did not value any one 
of the captives more highly than the other, and so 
he was willing that the brothers should exercise the 
privilege of choice. In a tepee only a short distance 
away the white women were engaged in some of the 
menial tasks of the afternoon. Grayfoot walked 
over to the tent and looked in. At first he decided 
upon Mrs. Noble, being touched by her appearance 
of unhappiness. But when he beckoned her to fol- 
low him from the tent, she became angry and refused 
to comply. This apparently did not discourage 
Grayfoot, for he turned to Mrs. Marble and repeated 
the signal. Mrs. Marble, having resolved upon 
ready compliance with the demands of the Indians, 
at once followed him from the tepee. It should be 
said that there was little thought of selecting Miss 
Gardner for she was regarded as relatively safe 
from harsh treatment by her captors on account of 



RANSOM OF MRS. MARBLE 229 

her youth.-''" With Mrs. Marble, Grayfoot and 
Sounding Heavens, accompanied by two of Inkpadu- 
ta's Indians, returned to the camp upon the Big 
Sioux. 

Upon reaching this camp Mrs. Marble was inform- 
ed by a Frenchman, who happened to be in the camp, 
of the real purpose of the Indian brothers. The 
brothers now hastened to the tepee of Spirit Walker 
at Lac qui Parle where they arrived on May twenti- 
eth, the journey having occupied ten days. Here 
Mrs. Marble was given clothing and as good care as 
the means of Spirit Walker and his squaw would 
permit. Word was taken in a few days to the mis- 
sionaries, Riggs and Williamson, at the upper agency 
that one of the Spirit Lake captives was at the tepee 
of Spirit Walker. They at once hastened to the 
chief's lodge where they found Mrs. Marble happily 
situated and somewhat reluctant to leave her new- 
found and kind friends. Upon leaving the lodge she 
was placed in the care of Agent Flandrau who start- 
ed with her at once for St. Paul where they arrived 
on May thirtieth. 

In writing of Mrs. Marble's arrival in St. Paul 
the St. Paul Pioneer describes her as being ''about 
twenty-five years of age ; of medium size, and very 
pleasant looking. She is a native of Darke county, 
Ohio, and moved to Michigan about ten years ago. 
She has been twice married. Her first husband's 
name was Phips. After his death, she married Mr. 
Marble, with whom she removed to Linn county, 
Iowa, and ultimately to Spirit Lake in Dick [in] son 



230 THE SPIRIT LAKE MASSACRE 

county. Mrs. M. is in a very destitute condition, — 
her husband has been murdered and as to whether 
her parents are alive or not, she is ignorant. We 
trust those who are blessed with a supply of this 
world's goods will contribute liberally in aid of this 
unfortunate woman. The privations she has under- 
gone, and her present destitute condition commend 
her to the consideration of the benevolent. ' '^"'^ 

The Indian brothers in notifying Agent Flandrau 
of their ransom of Mrs. Marble took occasion to re- 
mind him that they deemed the act worthy of a some- 
w^hat liberal reward, for, quoting the language of 
their letter, "it was perilous business, which we 
think should be liberally rewarded. We claim for 
our services $500 each. We do not want it in horses, 
they would be killed by jealous young men. We do 
not wish it in ammunition and goods, these we should 
be obliged to divide with others. The laborer is 
worthy of his own reward. We want it in money, 
which we can make more serviceable to ourselves 
than it could be in any other form. This is what we 
have to say. ' '^°' 

To the agent this claim presented a problem diffi- 
cult to handle, since he could see no way in which to 
secure the amount demanded. At the same time he 
did not for a moment consider the demand unjust — 
indeed he was surprised at its reasonableness. Hav- 
ing no public money at his disposal, if he met the 
demand it would necessarily be from private funds 
of his own or from the generosity of others. His 
own private funds amounted to but little more than 



RANSOM OF MRS. MARBLE 231 

five hundred dollars; and so an equal amount had 
to be secured from other sources.^"- But where 
should he go to solicit funds! When his own inge- 
nuity failed to solve the problem he called missionary 
Eiggs into conference. They decided upon a bold 
stroke of finance, which was nothing less than the 
issuance of a Territorial bond for the amount re- 
quired. This proved a happy solution of the diffi- 
culty, and although they acted without legal author- 
ity they issued the paper in good faith. ^°^ 



XXVIII 

THE DEATH OF MRS. NOBLE AND THE RAN- 
SOM OF ABBIE GARDNER 

From Mrs. Marble was obtained the information 
as to the whereabouts of the other captives. With- 
out delay Agent Flandrau and the Rev. Stephen H. 
Rig-gs began to lay plans for their rescue. A 
dominant motive in Agent Flandrau 's desire to re- 
ward the brothers was to stimulate interest in the 
rescue of those who remained in the hands of the 
Indians. In this he w^as successful; for at once 
a number of whites and Indians proffered their 
services. It w^as not, however, deemed desirable 
that the rescue should be undertaken by any but red 
men. Accordingly all whites who applied were at 
once rejected. 

The elimination finally left three volunteers — 
Paul Ma-za-ku-ta-ma-ni (sometimes called Little 
Paul) one of the staunchest native followers of Rev. 
Riggs, ^°* An-pe-tu-tok-cha (John Other Day),^*^^ and 
Che-tan-maza. Equipped with the following outfit 
these Indians were told to use it to the best advan- 
tage in securing the release of the two remaining 
captives : 

Wagon and double harness $110.00 

Four horses 600.00 

232 



RANSOM OF ABBIE GARDNER 233 

Twelve three-point blankets, four blue and 

eight white 56.00 

Twenty-two yards of blue squaw cloth 44.00 

Thirty-seven and a half yards of calico 5.37 

Twenty pounds of tobacco 10.00 

One sack of shot 4.00 

One dozen shirts 13.00 

Ribbon 4.75 

Fifty pounds of powder 25.00 

Corn 4.00 

Flour 10.00 

Coffee 1.50 

Sugar 1.50 

This bill of goods totalling $889.12, was purchased 

by Agent Flandrau of the traders at the Yellow 

Medicine Agency on credit, as he could not from his 

own private funds make cash payment to that amount. 

Thus equipped the Indians left the Yellow Medicine 

Agency on May twenty-third bound southwestward 

in an effort to locate Inkpaduta and negotiate with 

him for the release of his captives.""'' 

As soon as Mrs. Marble and her purchasers left 
the camp on Lake Madison it was evident to Inkpa- 
duta that it would not he long until soldiers would 
again be on his trail. He felt sure that the captive's 
return to civilization would result in redoubled en- 
ergies to apprehend him. Hence, as soon as his two 
envoys to the hunting camp on the Big Sioux re- 
turned, he was once more on the move. He went 
first to Lake Herman, which was only a short dis- 
tance from Lake Madison. From Lake Herman his 



234 THE SPIRIT LAKE MASSACRE 

course led northwestward and then up the valley of 
the James or Dakota River. 

About two weeks after the breaking of camp at 
Lake Madison they fell in with a band of Yanktons. 
In this band was a one-legged fellow, Wanduskai- 
hanke (End of the Snake) by name, who, having 
an eye for business and having heard of the ransom 
of Mrs. Marble, decided to buy the remaining cap- 
tives, take them to the Missouri River forts, and 
there offer them for sale. A bargain was soon 
struck with Inkpaduta, who now seemed anxious to 
rid himself of his charges, and the transfer of prop- 
erty at once took place. But for some reason not 
clear the Yankton instead of continuing with his 
band remained with Inkpaduta 's party, which now 
moved directly north, headed for the Earth Lodges 
of the Yanktons. Apparently the Indians under 
Inkpaduta paid no further heed to the captives. 

Thus matters had stood for some days when one 
evening, as Mrs. Noble and Miss Gardner were pre- 
paring for the night's rest. Roaring Cloud, a son of 
Inkpaduta, entered. The captives suspected that 
trouble was at hand and anxiously waited to see 
what form it might take. Roaring Cloud had no 
sooner entered than he ordered Mrs. Noble out of 
the tent. She refused to comply. Enraged, he 
grasped her by one arm and with his other hand 
seized a stick of wood which happened to be close 
by. Dragging her out of the tepee, he struck her 
three or four heav>^ blows on the head, thus ending 
her life. On the following morning, as the squaws 



RANSOM OF ABBIE GARDNER 235 

were breaking camp, the warriors gathered about 
the dead body and amused themselves by shooting 
arrows into it. 

That the Indians with their remaining captive 
now journeyed well into the range of the buffalo is 
evidenced by the testimony of Mrs. Sharp who said 
that they "crossed one prairie so vast and so per- 
fectly devoid of timber, that for days not even a 
hazel-brush, or a sprout large enough for a riding- 
whip could be found." As they "attained the more 
elevated points the scene was really sublime. Look 
in any direction, and the grassy plain was bounded 
only by the horizon. . . . The onl.y things to be 
seen, except grass, were wild fowls, birds, buffalo, 
and antelope. The supply of buffalo seemed almost 
as limitless as the grass. This was their own realm, 
and they showed no inclination to surrender it, not 
even to the Sioux."'" 

Within two days after the killing of Mrs. Noble 
the Indians crossed the James somewhere near the 
mouth of Snake Creek and encamped a short distance 
to the south of the site of the present town of Ashton. 
Not far removed was a permanent camp of about 
one hundred and ninety lodges of Yankton Sioux. , 

The arrival of the white captive created a stir in 
the Yankton camp. Their great curiosity was prob- 
ably due to the fact that she was the first white per- 
son that many of them had ever seen. Her liair 
and skin were examined with intense admiration. 
"No sooner was one company out of the teepe (sic) 
than others came ; and so they kept it up from morn- 



236 THE SPIRIT LAKE MASSACRE 

ing until night, day after day".-"''' The excitement 
over the white captive had scarcely died away when 
it was renewed by the arrival of the three Indian 
emissaries from the Yellow Medicine, who came 
garbed in civilized attire, "coats and white shirts, 
with starched bosoms. "^°'' They had taken up Ink- 
paduta's trail at Lake Madison and had closely fol- 
lowed it all the way without overtaking the band. 

Considerable time was spent in parleying for the 
captive, but the Yankton owner remained firm in his 
refusal of the terms offered. At the close of the 
second day he stated that he would have to submit 
the ciuestion of sale to a tribal vote, since he lacked 
the power to negotiate it himself. This brought to 
light the fact that there were two parties in the 
tribe — one favoring immediate sale, the other main- 
taining that it would be better to take the captive to 
the Missouri River country. 

While these negotiations were in progress groups 
of Yanktons visited Abbie Gardner. With great 
g-usto they dwelt upon the situation that existed in 
the council from time to time. Each group had its 
own version as to her future disposition. "One 
would say that I would be taken to the river and 
drowned .... Another would tell me that I 
would be bound to a stake and burned, showing the 
manner in which I would writhe and struggle in the 
flames. Another declared that I was to be cut to 
pieces by inches ; taking his knife and beginning at 
my toes, or fingers, he would show how piece after 
piece was to be cut off".^''' Finally the captive was 



EANSOM OF ABBIE GARDNER 237 

relieved by a Yankton squaw who told her that there 
was no truth in these explanations, since the council 
had decided that she w^as to be freed by sale to the 
stranger Indians who would take her back to the 
whites. Thus on the fifth day of the council the 
party for immediate sale won, and the tribal vote 
expressed a willingness to close the bargain as soon 
as possible. 

The price paid for the ransom of Abbie Gardner 
was probably "two horses, twelve blankets, two 
kegs of powder, twenty pounds of tobacco, thirty- 
two yards of blue squaw cloth, thirty-seven and a 
half yards of calico and ribbon, and other small ar- 
ticles ".^^^ Although there is no little disagreement 
as to how much was actually paid for her ransom, it 
is certain that none of the many articles with which 
the Indians were provided to secure the release of 
Mrs. Noble and Miss Gardner were ever turned back 
or accounted for by the three Indians. From this 
it may fairly be presumed that all were used in 
bringing about the ransom. 

After the purchase price had been paid and the 
captive turned over to her new care-takers, they 
were all urged by the Yanktons to remain and attend 
a feast to be give in their honor. Abbie Gardner, 
however, was anxious to make her return to civiliza- 
tion as speedily as possible. She had also observed 
in the preparations which were being made that 
roast dog was to be served at the feast, and so de- 
clined to attend, urging upon her guides an imme- 
diate departure. In spite of her failure to appre- 



238 THE SPIRIT LAKE MASSACRE 

ciate the honor of a dog feast, the Yankton chief, 
Ma-to-wa-ken, ordered that the wagon be piled high 
with buffalo skins and meat. So w^ell filled was the 
wagon that only Miss Gardner could be accommo- 
dated in addition to the load."^ As a further as- 
surance of good will the chief sent two of his best 
men along as a guard. They were to accompany the 
group to the Wahpeton Agency before turning back. 
Evidently this was a safeguard against attack from 
Inkpaduta's men, for it appears that a number of 
his party followed for four days before turning back 
to the camp on Snake Creek."^ 

The return trip of Abbie Gardner was strikingly 
different from her forced flight, since now she was 
the only member of the party w^ho rode while all the 
others walked. The first adventure of the journey 
which proved to her the good intentions of the In- 
dians was at the crossing of the James River. When 
the party arrived at the stream, the girl w^as placed 
in a frail little boat not more than five or six feet 
in length — just large enough for herself. In her 
fright she recalled the Yankton's tales of her early 
killing by her purchasers. But she w^as soon happily 
assured of their good intentions. Having placed her 
in the frail boat, they attached a strong rawhide 
thong cable to one end. When these preparations 
for crossing were completed, the Indians divested 
themselves of most of their clothing, plunged into 
the stream, and led or guided the canoe and its oc- 
cupant safely across to the opposite bank. From 



RANSOM OF ABBIE GARDNER 239 

this time on the girl's confidence in her guides grew 
with every evidence of their good will toward her. 

The return journey was without any unusual in- 
cident. After a week of uninterrupted traveling, 
they came to a region thickly populated with Indians, 
and to the great joy of Abbie Gardner there were a 
large number of log houses in addition to the prim- 
itive and loathsome tepees. She thought these were 
inhabited by white people when she first sighted 
them, but later she discovered that such was not the 
case: they were all inhabited by Indians. After 
two more days of travel, she reached the home of a 
half-breed family who could talk English. It was 
here that she learned that her guides had been sent 
out by the authorities to bring her in. While they 
tarried here for a day and a half Abbie made a suit 
for herself out of cloth furnished by the half-breed 
girls at whose home she lodged.^'* The next stop 
was at the Yellow Medicine mission on the confines 
of civilization. Here the girl was given into the tem- 
porary care of the missionaries, Dr. and Mrs. Thom- 
as S. Williamson. The date of her arrival at this 
point was on or about the tenth day of June. Her 
joy was altogether unbounded when she found her- 
self once more lodged in the home of a person of her 
own race; for she now fully realized that her de- 
liverance was actual and not a fanciful dream. 

While this expedition was being successfully car- 
ried out, Agent Flandrau had gone to St. Paul with 



240 THE SPIRIT LAKE MASSACRE 

Mrs. Marble, whom he tells us he took thither in his 
own wagon. As soon as they arrived Mrs. Marble 
was turned over to a Mrs. Long, the wife of Steve 
Long, proprietor of the Fuller House then located 
at the northeast corner of Jackson and Seventh 
Streets. Mrs. Long was instructed to outfit her in 
the most becoming and ' ' effective widow 's weeds ob- 
tainable in the market ".^^^ When this had been 
satisfactorily accomplished, Mrs. Marble was pre- 
sented to the people at a public meeting or reception 
in the hotel. Before the reception came to a close 
over one thousand dollars had been contributed to- 
ward her future support. This was turned over to 
Governor Medary to be used in whatever manner the 
Governor thought best. Mrs. Marble was detained 
in St. Paul for only a brief time, due to her great 
desire to return to her friends and relatives in the 
East. At the time of her leaving, Govenor Medary 
gave her two hundred and fifty dollars of the money 
contributed and placed the remainder in a St. Paul 
bank. Later the bank failed and nothing could be 
realized on the deposit.^'^ 

At the time of Abbie Gardner's arrival at the 
Yellow Medicine station, the annuity Indians were in 
revolt because of the non-payment of annuities then 
due. These annuities were being held up until the 
Indians w^ould agree to cooperate in apprehend- 
ing Inkpaduta and his band. A massacre seemed 
imminent at any moment; but within two days 
after her arrival the Indians tentatively agreed 



RANSOM OF ABBIE GARDNER 241 

to cooperate and all became peaceful. The re- 
turn of quiet among the Indians enabled a cer- 
tain Mr. Robinson to join in the trip to St. Paul. 
The journey was by means of a team and a cum- 
bersome lumber wagon which, owing to the almost 
unbroken roads, did not permit of either rapid or 
comfortable travel. Sunday, or the day following 
their start, was spent at Redwood, Lower Agency, 
just above Fort Ridgely. Word was carried in ad- 
vance to Captain Bee, who at this time was in com- 
mand at the post. Upon the receipt of the news the 
Captain at once sent his horse and buggy with the 
urgent request that the girl return with his orderly 
to spend Sunday at the post with his family. But 
her Indian rescuers were suspicious of an attempt 
to deprive them of their reward and would not con- 
sent to her going unless they accompanied her. Of 
couxse such an arrangement could not be made, and 
so the acceptance of Captain Bee's kind invitation 
was impossible. 

Since Abbie Gardner could not spend Sunday at 
the fort, the officers. Captain Bee and Lieutenant 
Murry, resolved to express their admiration for the 
girl's fortitude and courage in another way. Pre- 
vious to her arrival at the post on the following day, 
these officers solicited from the soldiers a purse con- 
taining several dollars in gold, which with a gold 
ring were presented to her upon her arrival. The 
presentation was made by Mrs. Bee on behalf of 
the contributors to the fund. Lieutenant Murry 
presented her, as a personal testimonial of his re- 



242 THE SPIRIT LAKE MASSACRE 

gard for her wonderful bravery, an elegant shawl 
and a dress pattern of the finest cloth that could be 
obtained at the post trader's store.^''^ 

From Fort Ridgely the rescue party followed the 
cross country trail to Traverse des Sioux, then the 
head of navigation on the Minnesota River. Here 
they embarked on a steamer; and on June 22nd 
they reached Shakopee where a large crowd awaited 
their coming. Again Abbie Gardner was presented 
with a purse of money amounting to some thirty dol- 
lars. The news of her coming had preceded her 
down the river to St. Paul, and when she arrived 
there on the evening of the same day she was again 
met by a large number of people. Accompanied by 
her rescuers and the Yankton messenger, she was 
hurried to a carriage and taken to the Fuller House. 
The landlady, the same who had cared for Mrs. 
Marble, immediately took her in charge with the 
same purpose in view as on the previous occasion — 
that of making her presentable for a public recep- 
tion. 

Previous to her arrival it had been arranged that 
Abbie Gardner should be formally and publicly 
turned over to the Governor by her rescuers. Thus, 
at ten o'clock on the morning of Tuesday, June 
twenty-third, in the public receiving room of the 
Fuller House the ceremony took place in the pres- 
ence of a large number of ladies and gentlemen who 
were specially invited to be present. There was 
much speechmaking, in which Governor Medary, 
Agent Flandrau, Ma-za-ku-ta-ma-ni, and An-pe-tu- 



RANSOM OF ABBIE GARDNP]R 243 

tok-clia took the prominent parts. Ma-za-ku-ta- 
ma-ni reminded Governor Medary of the great 
regard in which his people held the whites and 
how on account of their desire to manifest this 
respect he and his companions had been willing 
to undertake the perilous mission — which they 
really believed at the outset might prove to l)e a 
fatal undertaking. An-pe-tu-tok-cha followed his 
companion with a relation of the salient features 
of the journey to and from the Yankton camp and 
with a description of the difficulties met and over- 
come in the council while the negotiation for the 
captive's ransom was pending. 

Governor Medary in reply cautioned the Indians 
against fraternizing or holding any form of com- 
munication with the lawless elements of the plains 
Indians; and he assured them that the great sei'- 
vice they had rendered would be rewarded in a 
proper manner, and that an account of their mis- 
sion would be sent to the Great Father at Washing- 
ton as soon as possible."^^ 

At the close of the ceremony Agent Flandrau pre- 
sented Abbie Gardner with a magnificent Indian war 
bonnet — the gift of the Yankton chief, Ma-to-wa-ken, 
from whom she had been purchased. The bonnet 
had been entrusted to the keeping of Ma-za-ku-ta- 
ma-ni with instructions to have it presented to the 
girl when she should be safely delivered to their 
White Father, the Governor. Following these for- 
malities an elaborate state dinner was served in 
honor of the released captive and her rescuers. 



244 THE SPIRIT LAKE MASSACRE 

On the following day, which was June twenty- 
fourth, Abbie Gardner, under the escort of Governor 
Medary and accompanied by a certain L. P. Lee, em- 
barked on the steamer ^'Galena" for Iowa, for the 
purpose of finding her sister Eliza, who had been so 
fortunate as to escape the massacres at Okoboji and 
Springfield. Governor Medary accompanied her as 
far as Dubuque. In case the sister could not be 
located, he proposed to take Abbie to Columbus, 
Ohio, and adopt her into his own family.^" From 
Dubuque Mr. Lee conducted Miss Gardner to Fort 
Dodge where she was left in the care of Major Wil- 
liam Williams, who promised to have her taken as 
soon as possible to the home of her sister. It seems 
that Eliza Gardner had married William R. Wilson 
of Company B of the Fort Dodge relief expedition 
and was then living at Hampton, Iowa. 

At Hampton anxiously awaiting the captive's re- 
turn was not only her sister, but also Mr. Thatcher 
who was hoping that he might yet hear something fa- 
vorable concerning Mrs. Thatcher. To Abbie Gard- 
ner fell the sad duty of conveying to him the last 
words spoken by Mrs. Thatcher as she started to 
cross what turned out to be a river of death. ^-° 



XXIX 
PURSUIT AND PUNISHMENT OF INKPADUTA 

Immediately after the departure of Abbie Gardner, 
Agent Flandraii and her rescuers returned to the 
Yellow Medicine Agency. Here Agent Flandrau 
proceeded to make a settlement with the Indians 
who had so well demonstrated their good faith. With- 
out difficulty the matter was adjusted upon the basis 
of a four hundred dollar cash payment to each or a 
total of twelve hundred dollars.^^^ The legislature of 
Minnesota Territory had acted in the matter while 
these Indians were on their mission; and the pay- 
ment was now made on behalf of Governor Medary. 

By the first of May sentiment had begun to crys- 
tallize in favor of some form of action by the Ter- 
ritorial legislature looking toward the rescue of the 
captives. Before such action could be taken, Mrs. 
Marble was brought in. This only increased the in- 
terest in the welfare of those yet remaining in the 
hands of the Indians somewhere on the Dakota 
plains. An insistent popular demand arose for im- 
mediate action ; and this demand was met by an ap- 
propriation of ten thousand dollars.^" But the 
news of this action had not reached Agent Flandrau 
at the time he sent his Indians to the rescue. The 
Territory willingly honored all obligations contract- 

245 



24G THE SPIRIT LAKE MASSACRE 

ed by liiin for the purpose of the ransom, even pay- 
ing the principal and interest upon the ingeniously 
contrived but extra-legal bond. In securing the re- 
lease of Abbie Gardner and Mrs. Marble somewhat 
more than three thousand dollars were expended out 
of the ten thousand appropriated.^-^ 

As soon as Agent Flandrau had outfitted his In- 
dians and had seen them off on their journey for 
the rescue of Mrs. Noble and Abbie Gardner, he went 
to Fort Ridgely to confer with Colonel Alexander 
as to the best plan of operating against Inkpaduta. 
In any event the plan was to be put in operation only 
on receipt of word that the captives were safe from 
further harm. Colonel Alexander was very enthusi- 
astic over the suggested punishment of Inkpaduta 's 
band, and he signified his willingness to detail no less 
than five companies to proceed to the Skunk Lake 
region and close in upon the Indian outlaws from as 
many directions. This plan it was believed would, 
destroy all possibility of escape. But before ar- 
rangements had been fully matured, Colonel Alex- 
ander was ordered by the War Department to get 
his forces under way immediately and unite with 
those under General Albert Sidney Johnston who 
was marching west to quell the Mormon disturbances 
in Utah. Unfortunately the successor to Colonel Al- 
exander had but little interest in the matter, and 
Agent Flandrau 's scheme had to be given up, at least 
for a time. 

Following quickly upon the order received by 
Colonel Alexander was one sent by the Secretary of 



PURSUIT OF INKPAUUTA 247 

tlie Interior to Agent Flandrau ''to investigate and 
report the facts in the case, and the measures'"-* 
which in his judgment would be most effective in fer- 
reting out and punishing the marauders. This order 
som(nvhat irritated the agent as he had already re- 
ported fully upon the facts and had suggested the 
best measures to be taken in dealing with the out- 
laws. In commenting upon this incident the agent 
wrote some years later that he "had become so 
thoroughly convinced of the imbecility of a military 
administration, which clothed and equipped its 
troops exactly in the same manner for duty in the 
tropical climate of Florida, and the frigid region of 
Minnesota, that I took advantage of the invitation, to 
lay before the authorities some of my notions as to 
what was the proper thing to do".^"" 

Agent Flandrau does not appear to have consider- 
ed the request for a report as being urgent, since he 
sent no reply until August twenty-seventh, nearly 
two months later. In the report he took occasion to 
suggest a remedy for the causes of the failure of 
Captain Bee's detail to capture Inkpaduta's band 
before it made the attack on Springfield. As has 
already been stated the slow progress of the detail 
was not alone due to the depth of the snow, but also 
to the unwieldly character of the men's equipment. 
Concerning this situation the agent observed that 
"the ordinary means of transportation in the army 
is, as you well know, l)y heavy wagons drawn ])y 
mules. In the winter these wagons are placed upon 
sleds, and where there are roads for them to go upon. 



248 THE SPIRIT LAKE MASSACRE 

they can do well enough. But, as I have before said, 
it will be very seldom if ever, that troops will be 
called upon to act in a country where there are 
roads of any kind made in the snow, consequently 
these sleds and mules are useless." In lieu of this 
sort of equipment, he recommended that troops, to 
be effective in winter, should be equipped with snow^ 
shoes. In concluding he asked that men be placed 
on the frontier "who will at all times and under all 
circumstances, be superior to the enemy they have 
to contend with, and I would have no fear of a re- 
currence of the difficulties of last spring ".^-'^ 

The annuities due the Sioux Indians in accordance 
with the treaties of Traverse des Sioux and Mendota 
were customarily paid them at the upper and lower 
agencies during the closing week in June of each 
year. Upon such occasions the Indians flocked to 
these points by the thousands from Minnesota and 
Dakota. They came prepared to celebrate ; and this 
they commonly did for several days both before and 
after the payment was made. It was not alone the 
annuity Indians who assembled, but the undesirable 
whites of the frontier also came to pick up whatever 
money might be obtainable. At this particular time 
— late in June, 1857 — in addition to about six 
thousand annuity Indians, many such desperate char- 
acters had gathered at the agencies and may be con- 
sidered responsible for much that happened. 

When all had gathered in at the two agencies, the 
Superintendent of Indian Affairs, W. J. Cullen, call- 
ed a conference at the Upper Agency. This council, 



PURSUIT OF INKPADUTA 249 

attended by representatives from all bands of the 
Upper Sioux and a few from the lower tribes, was 
addressed by Superintendent Cullen. He told them 
plainly that they would be held responsible for the 
conduct of the lawless characters of their nation, and 
that in view of this responsibility they should with- 
out delay devise some means of apprehending Ink- 
paduta. Leaving them to deliberate and report lat- 
er, he proceeded to the Lower Agency, where he 
called a like council of the Mdewakanton and Wahpe- 
kuta bands to meet on July twelfth. At this meeting 
he made the same demands as at the Upper Agency 
and with like result. 

Within a brief time Cullen received deputations 
from both branches of the Sioux informing him that 
they neither could nor would comply with his de- 
mands unless United States soldiers were sent with 
them. He communicated the demand to Major 
Sherman, then commanding at Fort Ridgely, who re- 
plied that soldiers could not be furnished for such 
an undertaking since there was not a sufficient num- 
ber then at the post to make it advisable to spare 
any; and ''the policy of sending soldiers to co-oper- 
ate with Indians .... would only expose 
troops to treachery on the part of the Indians." 
Then, too, ''a body of Indians on an expedition of 
that kind would rely on troops to do the work of 
capturing and killing .... in case they should 
have an engagement with the party thev were seek- 
ing'V-^ 

Admitting the soundness of this answer Superin- 



250 THE SPIRIT LAKE MASSACRE 

tendent Culleii informed the Indian envoys that 
United States troops could not be furnished for such 
a purpose, and he stated that unless the Indians de- 
cided to undertake such an expedition alone and un- 
aided, other measures than those already taken 
would be resorted to from necessity. No further 
action coming from the Indians, Superintendent Cul- 
len determined to withhold the annuities.^-® 

On the thirteenth the Indians again declined to go 
in pursuit of Inkpaduta without the aid of United 
States troops. On the fourteenth they began con- 
solidating their bands and it became evident to all 
that trouble was afoot. Matters were growing more 
critical every day. The whites became alarmed and 
began to leave their farms. Many fled to the post or 
left the country altogether. The situation reached 
a climax on the evening of the fifteenth when a Sis- 
seton, without provocation, stabbed a soldier of 
Major Sherman's command. The Indian escaped 
and fled to the Sisseton camp where he was received 
and protected. This incident evidenced the deter- 
mination of these Indians to protect rather than 
punish law^-breakers.^-^ 

The crisis was made more acute by the demand 
for the release of the Indian to the military author- 
ities. Major Sherman made the demand and was re- 
fused. The officer sent by him was received ''with 
tw^o hundred of their guns pointed towards him". 
Delivery of the culprit was, however, promised for 
the next morning. At that time ''they came down 
from their lodges, numbering about twenty-five hun- 



PURSUIT OF INKPADUTA 251 



dred warriors, all armed and painted, evidently pre- 
pared for fight. Many surrounded and came into the 
camp ; they asked a council ' '.•"" They were told that 
their request could not be granted until they sur- 
rendered the culprit and laid their guns aside. By 
deceit they then sought to draw out the Indian agents 
and army officers one by one to talk, with the inten- 
tion of killing them when they had been drawn into 
a council. In this plan they were frustrated, and on 
the following day they surrendered the culprit. The 
Indians were probably emboldened by the panic 
which then existed throughout the whole of southern 
and western Minnesota. They construed the situa- 
tion as "an open confession of cowardice, fear and 
weakness" upon the part of the Indian and military 
authorities, and they were ready to flout both at any 
opportunity.^" 

At this time Little Crow appeared and tendered 
his best offices in quieting the disturbance and ex- 
pelling the malcontents. While these rebellious pro- 
ceedings were taking place at the Upper Agency, he 
had been at the Redwood Agency. Owing to his in- 
tercession and influence, the Indians at the Lower 
Agency sent word within a day or two that they 
were willing to undertake the pursuit and punish- 
ment of Inkpaduta. In this resolve they were also 
joined by the Sissetons. Because of Little Crow's 
undoubted influence in bringing his tribesmen to 
terms, it was decided to place him in command of 
the expedition if such an appointment was acceptalile 
to its members — which proved to be the case. But 



252 THE SPIRIT LAKE MASSACRE 

the Indians were in no condition to embark on such 
an expedition, since they were without food or sup- 
plies of any kind. Upon their assurance of good 
faith in the prosecution of the expedition they were 
promised the needed supplies. 

Thus equipped the Indian expedition started in 
pursuit of Inkpaduta on the nineteenth day of July. 
To hold them to the faithful performance of their 
promise, Superintendent Cullen sent his interpreter, 
Joseph Campbell, and six half-breeds along to report 
upon operations. One hundred and six warriors 
under Little Crow made up the personnel of the 
company, in addition to Campbell and the half- 
breeds.^'- The membership came from the whole 
Sioux nation represented at the agencies, being re- 
cruited from the seventeen bands of the Upper 
Sioux and the eight bands of the Lower Sioux. 

After an absence of sixteen days the Little Crow 
expeditionary force returned to the Upper Agency 
on the fourth of August. They reported that on 
July twenty-eighth, on arriving at Skunk Lake, they 
found six lodges of Inkpaduta 's people. These 
were divided into two encampments of three lodges 
each, about three miles apart. Prior to the arrival 
of the expedition the lodges were deserted by their 
occupants who fled to the Big Drift Wood Lake, 
twenty miles away. They had evidently fled to this 
lake for the better protection it would afford, owing 
to the rank growth of reeds in its shallow waters. 
When the pursuers came up with the fleeing Indians 
fighting began at once, but it had continued onlv a 



PURSUIT OF INKPADUTA 253 

half hour when darkness put an end to the confht't. 
In the morning three prisoners were taken, two 
squaws and a boy, and three men were found killed 
and one wounded. Of those killed one was identified 
as Mak-pi-a-pe-ta or Fire Cloud, a twin son of Ink- 
paduta. It was also learned from the captives that 
a defection had arisen in Inkpaduta's band, as a re- 
sult of which Inkpaduta and a few followers had 
broken away and gone to the Snake Creek camp of 
the Yanktons. Not feeling strong enough to make 
demands upon a camp of over a thousand Yankton 
friends of Inkpaduta the expedition had returned 
to report.^^^ 

But Superintendent Cullen was not satisfied with 
what had been done and he plainly spoke his mind. 
His insistence irritated not only Little Crow, but 
other leaders of the Sioux at both agencies. Cullen, 
however, was determined and he called a council of 
the Sissetons and Wahpetons at the Upper Agency 
on AugTist tenth. The Indian representatives were 
sullen and Superintendent Cullen was tactless, with 
the result that many sharp replies were exchanged 
to the disadvantage of both parties. Wahpuja 
Wicasta accused the Superintendent of being dis- 
satisfied because they, the Indians, had failed to 
bring back a piece of Inkpaduta that he. Superin- 
tendent Cullen, might taste of it and thus pronounce 
upon its genuineness and prove their good faith in 
the pursuit of the outlaw.^^^ Ma-za-ku-ta-ma-ni, 
representing the soldier lodge which had been 
formed, spoke bitterly concerning the wrongs done 



254 THE SPIRIT LAKE MASSACRE 

the Indians and accused Superintendent Cullen of 
breaking faith in his relations with the soldiers and 
in his failure to reward the efforts which they had 
honestly put forth.^''^ Superintendent Cullen failed 
to accomplish his purpose and in the end had to 
admit the need for action upon the part of the mili- 
tary arm of the government. Such action he now 
recommended, as well as the payment of the annui- 
ties long overdue. It is a reflection upon the effec- 
tiveness of the military to note that no further action 
was taken to punish the outlaw and his band. 

For a few years Inkpaduta was lost sight of. 
Apparently he had ceased his activities along the 
frontier. For five years he remained in seclusion. 
In the summer of 1862 a portion of the band ap- 
peared at the Yellow Medicine Agency, hoping to 
share in the annuities of that year. Agent Gal- 
braith, hearing of their presence, sent Lieutenant 
T. J. Sheehan with a few soldiers to drive them 
away from the agency. But their friends had 
warned them; and when the detail surrounded the 
camp to the south of Lake Benton the Indians were 
gone. The trail was followed for some distance, but 
it suddenly ended leaving not a trace of its contin- 
uance. 

It must not be supposed, however, that Inkpaduta 
contented himself with a life of complete inactivity. 
He is presumed to have joined with Little Crow in 
a plan for the expulsion of all whites from the Da- 
kota country which was to culminate in the massacres 
of 1862. During the progress of this revolt his 



PURSUIT OF INKPADUTA 255 

presence was several times reported, and toward its 
close he is said to have gone westward and united 
with the Santees of the Missouri. In a few years 
he succeeded in uniting this tribe with the Yanktons 
and then secured the leadership. 

But he had now grown too old to be aggressive, 
and so his leadership was more nominal than real. 
According to Holcombe "Inkpadoota's last appear- 
ance in an historical scene was at the Custer mas- 
sacre, in the Little Big Horn, in Eastern Montana, 
in June, 1876. On the morning of the day that Gen- 
eral Custer made his ill-fated ride upon the Indian 
camp, Inkpadoota, then seventy-five years old, and 
stone blind, was sitting on the banks of the Little 
Big Horn .... with two of his grandsons, 
and the three were fishing in the stream. The little 
boys were the first to see Major Reno's command as 
it came riding up the valley to hold the Indians on 
the south, while Custer should come upon them from 
the north. They ran as fast as they could encum- 
bered with their blind and decrepit grandsire, and 
gave the alarm in time for Gall and Grass to come 
down and drive back Reno, and then hasten back and 
exterminate Custer and his force. At this time, and 
for ten years before, Inkpadoota had been blind, 
and no longer regarded as a leader of any body, for 
he could not walk without a guide. He and his two 
surviving sons fled with Sitting Bull to Canada, 
finally locating at the Canadian Red Pipestone Quar- 
ry, in Southwestern Manitoba. Here, in 1894, Dr. 
Charles Eastman, the well-known Indian authority, 



256 THE SPIRIT LAKE MASSACRE 

found the descendants of Inkpadoota .... 
However, the bloody-minded old savage himself had 
died miserably some years before ".^^^ Thus ended 
the life of an implacable foe of the white race, who 
for nearly forty years had terrorized the northwest- 
ern frontier from the Mississippi River in Iowa to 
the far away Rockies of Canada. 

Of the original band but little more remains to be 
said. While the excitement was at its highest in the 
closing days of June, 1857, incident to the non-pay- 
ment of the annuities. Agent Flandrau, then at the 
Lower Agency, received a note from Sam Brown, a 
trader on the Yellow Medicine. The note brought 
the information that Inkpaduta and several of his 
band were then at the Upper Agency. The agent 
immediately sent a messenger to Fort Ridgely re- 
questing help. He was given a detachment of fifteen 
men under Lieutenant Murry. While these troops 
were on the way from Fort Ridgely to the Redwood 
Agency, Agent Flandrau recruited a volunteer force 
of perhaps twenty-five men to assist in the opera- 
tions against Inkpaduta. Among these volunteers 
was the well-known scout and interpreter, Joseph 
Campbell, who was almost an indispensable adjunct 
of any such expedition. When these preparations 
had been completed, the Indian messenger was sent 
back to the Upper Agency with the request that a 
guide be sent out to meet and lead them to the out- 
law's camp. 

At dusk the united forces started for the Yellow 
Medicine. About midway between the two agencies 



PURSUIT OF INKPADUTA 257 

there was a higli mound or butte which overlooked 
the whole of the surrounding country for miles. The 
trail being- followed was that of the Sioux and ac- 
cording to their custom it passed over the summit of 
the elevation. When the party had reached the 
summit they found An-pe-tu-tok-cha or Other Day 
who had been sent by Brown to guide them to the 
camp. "When found he was quietly sitting by the 
side of the trail, engaged in his favorite pastime of 
smoking. Upon being accosted he gave not the 
slightest evidence of recognition or interest. When 
he finally replied to questions put to him he admitted 
that a few of Inkpaduta's Indians were near the 
Yellow Medicine, up the river about five miles, and 
numbered perhaps six lodges. Further than this he 
either did not have, or did not care to give, informa- 
tion. When questioned as to methods of attack he 
declared the best plan would be to *' charge down on 
the camp, and when they see the soldiers, they will 
know who they are after, and any of Ink-pa-du-ta's 
people that are there, will run or show fight, the rest 
will remain passive. ' ' ^^^ This plan, after being con- 
firmed by Campbell as best, was adopted. 

With Other Day as guide, the march was resumed. 
The party reached the river, about one mile below 
the camp, just at dawn. The camp was pitched on 
a plateau or open prairie about a quarter of a mile 
from the river. To reach the shelter of the river it 
would be necessary for one fleeing from the camp 
to pass across the open space and go down a pre- 
cipitous descent of about fifty feet. AVhen within a 



258 THE SPIRIT LAKE MASSACRE 

half mile of the camp, a charge was ordered by 
Lieutenant Murry. Nearly simultaneously with this 
command an Indian, leading a squaw, ran from one 
of the lodges toward the river. Other Day at once 
called out that there was the man, and rifles instant- 
ly cracked. Obviously the fugitive was not hit, for 
he safely made the shelter of the brush along the 
river in the face of a continued fire. 

In his hurried flight the Indian was not unarmed, 
for he carried a double-barreled shot-gun. This fact 
made it extremel}- dangerous to go into the brush 
after him or even to attempt a reconnaissance. That 
he intended to defend himself was evident, for as 
soon as he reached the shelter of the brush he began 
firing on the attacking party. Each shot from him 
was greeted with a volley from the soldiers, which 
soon put an end to his firing. When found the body 
of the man was riddled with bullets. Upon investi- 
gation the individual proved to be none other than 
Roaring Cloud, son of Inkpaduta, the Indian who 
had so atrociously attacked and murdered Mrs. 
Noble. 

The squaw whom he led at the beginning of his 
dash for the river was taken prisoner in the hope 
that she might assist in identifying the Indian wlio 
had been killed, as well as give information about 
other inhabitants of the camp. Taking her prisoner, 
however, proved most unfortunate, for it produced a 
great commotion at the Upper Agency which only 
added fuel to the excitement over the deferred an- 
nuities. On the ],"eturn it was necessary to pass 



PURSUIT OF INKPADUTA 259 

through the camps of over seven thousand Indians. 
According to Agent Flandrau "the excitement 
among them was terrible. The squaw kept up a 
howling such as a squaw in distress only can make. 
The Indians swarmed about us, guns in hand, and 
scowled upon us in the most threatening manner 
. . . . I then began to realize the desperate te- 
merity of the enterprise. Our salvation was simply 
the moral force of the government that was behind 
us. We reached the Agency buildings in safety, and 
took possession of a log house, where we remained 
several days in a state of sleepless anxiety, until 
relieved by Major Sherman with the famous old 
Buena Vista battery .... We felt .... 
like the man who w^as chased by a bear, and finally 
seized his paws around a tree ; he wanted somebody 
to help him let ^o."^^^ With the coming of the bat- 
tery the Indians became quiet. 



XXX 

THE MEMORIAL TRIBUTES OF IOWA 

From what has preceded one might conclude that 
Minnesota Territory alone was sufficiently interested 
in the welfare of the captives and the punishment of 
the marauders to take official action relative thereto. 
Although such was not the case, it is true that Min- 
nesota Territory through its legislative body was the 
first to take official notice of the situation and at- 
tempt a remedy. To be sure the Governors of Iowa 
had for several years been insistent in making de- 
mands upon the Federal government for the protec- 
tion of the northwestern frontier; but nothing was 
accomplished. Both the Iowa legislature and Con- 
gress remained obdurate. 

The delay on the part of Iowa was in large part 
due to the belief that the frontier troubles demand- 
ed action by the Federal authorities rather than by 
the State.^'^ After the presentation of numerous 
petitions and following considerable debate, the 
Thirty-fifth Congress enacted a relief measure on 
June 14, 1858, by which the sum of twenty thousand 
dollars was appropriated ''for defraying the ex- 
penses of the several expeditions against Ink-pa- 
du-tah's band, and in the search, ransom, and re- 
covery of the female captives taken by said band in 

260 



MEMORIAL TRIBUTES OF IOWA 261 

eighteen hundred and fifty-seven".^*" This fund 
was to be expended under the direction of the Secre- 
tary of the Interior, who in turn designated the 
Superintendent of Indian Affairs, W. J. Cullen of 
St. Paul, Minnesota, as the disbursing agent of the 
Department. 

Under the provisions of this act claims aggregat- 
ing $7180.36 were presented by lowans to Superin- 
tendent Cullen.^" Upon the submission of required 
proof and the auditing of claims submitted. Super- 
intendent Cullen recommended a payment of $3156.36 
to apply on supplies furnished the Iowa relief ex- 
pedition, and $1657.00 for services rendered by in- 
dividual members of the expedition, making a total 
of $4813.36.=^*^' These claims were duly certified to 
the Secretary of the Interior, and the auditors of the 
Department, after eight months of examination of 
proof, advised the payment of $3628.43 — a cut of 
$1184.93 from the Superintendent's recommenda- 
tions.'''' 

The act of the Thirty-fifth Congress was later 
supplemented by a second and a third act by the 
Thirty-sixth Congress under dates of June 19 and 
21, I860 — the first ^^* of which set aside $16,679.90, 
and the second '*' $18,988.84 for the further reim- 
bursement of the State. These measures were fur- 
ther supplemented during the same Congress by 
an act, under date of March 2, 1861, indemnifying 
the ''citizens of Iowa and Minnesota for the de- 
struction of property at or near Spirit Lake by 
Ink-pa-du-tah's band of Sioux Indians", to the 



262 THE SPIRIT LAKE MASSACRE 

amount of $9,640.74.''" By these acts the Federal 
government had set aside a total of $65,308.48 to in- 
demnify the citizens of Iowa and Minnesota for 
lives lost, property destroyed, and expenses incurred 
in connection with the rescue of the captives and the 
punishment of the outlaws. Further than this Con- 
gress refused to act, the consensus of opinion in 
Congress being that the States concerned should 
supply any further needed relief. 

Almost tw^o years after Congress had officially 
recognized the need of the State for assistance in 
handling the Indian frontier problem, the Iowa legis- 
lature took action. On March 12, 1860, a bill was 
enacted into law" wdiereby "the sum of three thous- 
and dollars, or so much thereof as shall be neces- 
sary" was appropriated for the aid of those mem- 
bers of the relief expedition who had drawn largely 
upon their private means to finance the undertaking, 
but who had not been afforded the expected relief by 
the Federal government. 

Under the provisions of this act the Governor was 
made the auditor of all claims presented in accord- 
ance with its provisions. He was directed to secure 
copies of all claims filed with the Federal govern- 
ment and, when satisfied by the evidence submitted 
that such as were yet unpaid were just, he might 
issue an order upon the Treasurer of State to pay 
the claims. "'■ This law was supplemented on March 
twenty-second by a second act looking toward the 
relief of persons specifically named in the law,'** al- 
though no additional funds for such purpose were 



MEMOKIAL TRIBUTES OF TOWA 2G3 

provided. Under the provisions of these acts there 
was disbursed under order of the Governor a total 
of $1126.02, which was distributed among eighty- 
two ckiimants.^^'^ 

Before tlie matter had been finally closed the strife 
between North and South eliminated from the public 
mind an interest in all things save the momentous 
struggle then in progress. Thus it happened that 
the Spirit Lake Massacre and the relief expeditions 
were lost from view for more than a generation. 
But there was one individual with an abiding inter- 
est who for thirty years cherished the hope of com- 
memorating in some way the heroic struggles of that 
little group of men who went from Webster City in 
March, 1857, to relieve the settlers at the lakes. In 
the summer of 1887 Charles Aldrich, long a resident 
of Webster City, proposed placing a brass tablet in 
some suitable place in that city in memory of Com- 
pany C of the relief expedition. The decision was 
quickly reached to place the memorial in the Ham- 
ilton County court house and to ask the board of 
supervisors to appropriate three hundred dollars 
to meet the expense. A petition was circulated in 
the city and throughout the county requesting such 
action. Owdng to the good will and work of Charles 
T. Fenton, president of the board, the petition was 
granted and a committee was appointed to secure 
and place the memorial. ^^° 

August twelfth was the date set for the unveiling 
and dedication of the tablet. Mr. Aldrich planned 
an elaborate program which was to be given in the 



264 THE SPIRIT LAKE MASSACRE 

court room of the newly erected building; but more 
than two thousand people attended the ceremony, 
and so the exercises were held on the lawn in front 
of the court house. Brief addresses were made by 
Governor William Larrabee, ex-Governor C. C. 
Carpenter, Mayor McMurray, Captains Richards 
and Buncombe, Lieutenant John N. Maxwell, Pri- 
vates William Laugiilin and Michael Sweeney, and 
Mr. Charles Aldrich. The speeches were so planned 
as to offer a complete review of the attempt to carry 
relief to the settlers at Spirit Lake and Lake Oko- 
boji. The tablet consisted of "a slab of Champlain 
marble, upon which is artistically mounted a plate 
of polished brass containing the names of the Ham- 
ilton county members of the expedition and a num- 
ber of other suitable inscriptions."^" Thus did 
Hamilton County place "in a position of honor in 
the Hamilton County court house a lasting attesta- 
tion to the patriotic spirit of appreciation which 
animates her citizens."^" 

Encouraged by the response in his home county, 
Mr. Aldrich set about the stimulation of sentiment 
in the State at large favoring the erection by the 
State of some fitting memorial to those pioneers 
whose lives were sacrificed in March, 1857. This 
proved a long drawn out and arduous task. The 
public had all but forgotten the incident; memories 
had to be refreshed, and a desire for commemora- 
tion aroused. This proved too great an undertaking 
for one person, and so Mr. Aldrich turned to the 
legislative body of the State. Here he obtained onlv 



MEMORIAL TRIBUTES OF IOWA 265 

an indifferent response. But with the awakening 
in Hamilton County the interest in the project 
spread; and when the Twenty-fifth General Assem- 
bly convened in January, 1894, it became evident 
that favorable action might be hoped for. 

By far the most active and efficient work was done 
by Mrs. Abbie Gardner Sharp, who came to Des 
Moines at the very beginning of the session and 
remained until near its close. In her efforts to se- 
cure action she was most ably seconded by Senator 
A. B. Funk of Spirit Lake. On January twenty- 
ninth a bill w^as simultaneously introduced in the 
Senate and House of Representatives, providing for 
the proper interment of the remains of the victims 
of the massacre and the erection of a suitable com- 
memorative monument.""^ The bill carried an ap- 
propriation of tive thousand dollars which was to be 
expended under the supervision of a commission of 
five persons appointed by the Governor. Suitable 
grounds were to be selected near the scene of the 
massacre. These grounds were to "be purchased, 
reinterments made and monument erected before 
the 4th day of July, 1895." ^=* So well had the mat- 
ter been canvassed among the members of the legis- 
lature that there were but few negative votes on the 
measure. The bill was approved by the Governor 
on March 30th, and went into effect on xVpril 4, 1894. 

On April tenth Governor Frank D, Jackson ap- 
pointed as members of the commission Hon. J. F. 
Buncombe and ex-Governor C. C. Carpenter of Fort 
Dodge, Mrs. Abbie Gardner Sharp of Okoboji, Hon. 



266 THE SPIRIT LAKE MASSACRE 

R. A. Smith of Spirit Lake, and Charles Aldrich of 
Des Moines. Within a short time the commission 
met at Fort Dodge and later at the Gardner cabin 
on Lake Okoboji. The commission effected an or- 
ganization by selecting ex-Governor Carpenter as 
chairman and Mrs. Sharp as secretary. They quick 
ly decided on the selection of the lot adjacent to and 
south of the Gardner cabin. This site was immedi- 
ately presented to the State by its owners, the Oko- 
boji South Beach Company. On June 20, 1894, the 
P. N. Peterson Granite Company of St. Paul, Min- 
nesota, w^as awarded the contract for the erection of 
the memorial. The specifications provided that the 
monument should be "a shaft 55 feet high above the 
foundation, in alternate blocks of rough and polished 
Minnesota granite, with a die 6x6 feet, upon which 
should be placed four bronze tablets — for the sum 
of $4,500. The inscriptions placed upon the tablets 
may be described as follows: On the east, the list 
of murdered settlers ; on the west, a complete roster 
of the relief expedition commanded by Major Wil- 
liam Williams; on the south, historical memoranda 
relating to the loss of Capt. J. C. Johnson and Pri- 
vate W. E. Burkholder, the list of settlers who es- 
caped from Springfield (now Jackson), Minn., etc.; 
and on the north, the coat of arms of Iowa, with 
these words : 'Erected by order of the 25th General 
Assembly of the State of Iowa.' '"'' 

So diligently did the contracting company apply 
itself in tlie erection of the memorial that early in 
March, 1895, four months before the expiration of 



MEMORIAL TRIBUTES OF IOWA 267 

its contract, the monument was ready for inspection. 
On March 1-1-, 1895, the connnission met at Okoboji 
and inspected and accepted the work. Upon July 
twenty-eighth over five thousand people came by 
wagon and excursion train, from a radius of over 
fifty miles, to witness the formal dedication of the 
memorial and its presentation to the State. The 
gathering Avas significant in that it marked the open- 
ing of a new era in the appropriate marking of his- 
toric sites not only in Iowa but in the Middle West. 
In the words of the Hon. R. A. Smith, it was "meet 
and fitting that to the pioneer the same as the sol- 
dier should be accoi'ded the meed of praise and rec- 
ognition .... a just, though long delayed, 
trilnite to the memory of the brave and hardy, 
though unpretentious and unpretending, band of set- 
tlers who sacrificed their lives in their attempts to 
l)uild them homes on this then far away northwestern 
f rontier. " ^^"^ 

Upon the platform were seated ex-Governor C. C. 
Carpenter and Hon. R. A. Smith, members of the re- 
lief expedition; Mrs. I. A. Thomas, Rev. Valentine 
C. Thomas, and Jareb Palmer, who fortunately es- 
caped the massacre at Springfield; Judge Charles 
E. Flandrau, the Indian agent who made possible the 
project to rescue Abbie Gardner, and Chetanmaza, 
the Siouan Indian whose intrepidity secured her re- 
lease ; Mrs. Abbie Gardner Sharp a survivor of the 
massacre at Okoboji; and various State officials. 
The memorial was presented to the State by ex- 
Governor C. C. Carpenter upon behalf of the com- 



268 THE SPIRIT LAKE MASSACRE 

mission under whose direction it had been erected, 
and was accepted for the State by Lieutenant Gov- 
ernor Warren S. Dungan and Hon. W. S. Richards. 

Thus the people of Iowa, through their law-mak- 
ing body, paid a fitting though somewhat tardy 
tribute to the memory of the pioneers who, imbued 
with the true American spirit of progress, were will- 
ing to brave the hardships of the frontier that those 
who came later might share the blessings of a richer 
civilization. In the words of one of the speakers of 
the occasion, ''Let us hope that this awakening is not 
ephemeral or temporary .... The story told 
by this memorial shaft is but a faint expression of 
the toils endured, the dangers braved and the sacri- 
fices made by the unfortunate victims whose remains 
lie buried here".^" The memorial ''not only com- 
memorates the great tragedy which crimsoned the 
waters of these lakes, but it will keep alive the mem- 
ory of a species of American character which will 
soon become extinct. As we look away to the west, 
we are impressed that there is no longer an American 
frontier; and when the frontier shall have faded 
away, the pioneer will live only in history, and in the 
monuments which will preserve his memory. ' ' ^'* 



XXXI 
CHANGES OF SIXTY YEARS 

When one looks back over the sixty years that 
have elapsed since Ma-za-kn-ta-ma-ni delivered his 
bitter invective against white infidelity at the Upper 
Agency on the Yellow Medicine, one can only wonder 
at the transformation which has been wrought in 
what was popularly known east of the Alleghenies 
as the Great American Desert. In sixty years the 
frontier has moved steadily westward until to-day it 
is gone not alone from the Mississippi Valley but 
from the American continent. What was a vast ex- 
panse of prairie in 1857 has become a country of 
prosperous homes. 

Where then not a town was to be found to-day may 
be seen numerous large cities throbbing with in- 
dustrial life, while towns and villages dot the land- 
scape everywhere. Loneliness and desolation have 
given way to that condition where man's habitation 
is found at every turn. In sixty years this area has 
changed from the frontier of civilization to the very 
center of its arts and industries. In a country 
where Indians were met with by the thousands in 
1857, one may now travel for days across the plains 
without catching a glimpse of a red man. The In- 

269 



270 THE SPIRIT LAKE MASSACRE 

dian has all but gone from a land where he once 
roamed free and uncontrolled. 

Similarly time has dealt with the people of a dif- 
ferent race who played major or minor parts in the 
tragedy at Spirit Lake and Springfield in 1857. In- 
deed, time has not always dealt kindly with them, 
and in more than one instance they have suffered 
much from its ravages. No one w^ho survived the 
terrible experience of March, 1857, on the borders of 
the northwestern lakes was able to regain title to the 
claims of murdered relatives. The Gardner, Thatch- 
er, and Marble claims were all preempted by the set- 
tlers of 1858 without regard to their former holders. 
Those preempting were perhaps acting within their 
legal rights ; but the first comers, under the customs 
of the frontier, were entitled to the claims which they 
had staked out. 

So widely have the survivors of the events of 1857 
scattered that to-day but one individual, Mrs. Abbie 
Gardner Sharp, remains at or near the scene of the 
massacre. While living with her sister Eliza at 
Hampton, Iowa, Miss Abbie Gardner became ac- 
quainted with Casville Sharp, a young relative of the 
Noble and Thatcher families. On August 16, 1857, 
they were married. About a year after the mar- 
riage, Mr. and Mrs. Sharp visited the scene of the 
tragedy at Okoboji in the hope of securing some set- 
tlement for the Gardner claim. Although a small 
amount was paid Mrs. Sharp by J. S. Prescott who 
had preempted the claim, the sum was only nominal 



CHANGES OF SIXTY YEARS 271 

and in no sense an adequate compensation for the 
property lost. 

Mrs. Sharp continued to live in Iowa ; but not un- 
til 1891 did she regain the site of her childhood home 
at Okoboji. At that time a company interested in 
the promotion of the Okobojis as a pleasure resort 
acquired title to some thirteen acres of land at 
Pillsbury's Point, West Okoboji. This area includ- 
ed the Gardner cabin. The syndicate at once 
plotted the land for sale as sites for summer cot- 
tages. Out of the proceeds derived from the sale 
of her history of the massacre, Mrs. Sharp acquired 
the lot upon which stands the original log cabin home 
— the scene of the massacre.'^^ The summer tourist 
at Okoboji may yet (in 1918) enter the original log 
cabin and learn from Mrs. Sharp the story of her 
captivity and rescue. 

Mrs. Marble, the only other survivor of the mas- 
sacre at Lake Okoboji and Spirit Lake, likewise 
found her husband's claim preempted upon her re- 
turn. Less fortunate than Mrs. Sharp, she was un- 
able to secure any compensation. For some years 
she w^as lost to the knowledge of her Iowa and Min- 
nesota friends. At length, in the earl}' eighties, she 
was located at Sidell, Napa County, California. 
Meanwhile, she had married a Mr. Silbaugh. Since 
then little information has been obtained concerning 
her, other than that of her death a number of years 
^g.Q 360 Thus Mrs. Sharp is now the sole survivor of 
the massacre at the lakes. 



THE SPIRIT LAKE MASSACRE 



With the survivors of the Springfield massacre it 
has been different. All who survived were able to 
regain their claims, since they returned within a 
brief time to the scene of the massacre and before 
their holdings had been preempted by settlers in the 
rush of 1857-1858. In 1913 occurred the death of 
Mrs. Irene A. Thomas whose cabin was made the 
rendezvous of the settlers at Springfield, and whose 
son Willie was the first known victim of the Indian 
attack. Her husband, it will be recalled, had one 
arm so badly shattered as to necessitate amputation 
upon reaching Fort Dodge. A remaining son, Val- 
entine C. Thomas, who was a young boy at the time 
of the massacre, later served as a minister in Mar- 
shalltown, low^a, where he died in August, 1915. Mrs. 
Eliza Gardner McGowan was at that time still living 
in Fort Wayne, Indiana. It will be recalled that fol- 
lowing the return of the relief expedition to Fort 
Dodge she married William R. Wilson, a member of 
the expedition. For many years Mr. and Mrs. Wil- 
son lived at Hampton and Mason City, Iowa. Some 
time after Mr. Wilson's death, Mrs. Wilson married 
a Mr. McGowan and removed to Fort Wayne. 

It may be remembered that Johnnie Stewart es- 
caped by hiding in the dooryard of his home w^hile 
the members of his family were being ruthlessly 
slaughtered by the Indians. After the Indians left 
he crawled to the Thomas cabin, which he reached at 
dusk, was recognized and taken in. In 1915 he was 
living at Byron, Minnesota ; and, from the latest in- 
formation obtained he is still living at that place. 



CHANGES OF SIXTV YEARS 273 

There also survives a Mrs. Gillespie of Blaine, 
AVasliington, who at the time of the Springfield at- 
tack was Miss Drusilla Swanger, sister of Mrs. Wil- 
liam L. Church. 

As we of another generation seek recreation at 
Okoboji, let us pause in retrospection. Let us, 
"when we contemplate the dangers braved, the hard- 
ships and privations endured, and the final suffering 
and sacrifice which fell to the lot of the victims 
whose dust and ashes have been gathered together 
and interred in this historic spot", be conscious that 
w^e are paying "a deserved tribute to courage and 
self-denial, endurance and self-sacrifice".^'''^ 



NOTES AND REFERENCES 



NOTES AND REFERENCES 

CHAPTER I 

1 See Richman's John Brotcn Among the Quakers, and Other 
Sketches, p. 203. 

2 Senate Documents, 1st Session, 32nd Congress, Vol. Ill, Doe. 
No. 1, p. 411. 

"Flaudrau's State-Building in the West in the Collections of the 
Minnesota Historical Society, Vol. VIII, pp. 483, 484. 

i Judge Charles E. Flandrau's State-Building in the West in the 
Collections of the Minnesota Historical Society, Vol. VIII, p. 483. 

5 Eev. Moses N. Adams's The Sioux Outbrealc in the Year 1862 
in the Collections of the Minnesota Historical Society, Vol. IX, p. 432. 

6 ' ' The inferior power knows perfectly well that, if it does not 
accept the terms, it will ultimately be forced out of its domains, and 
it accepts. This comprises the elements of all Indian treaties. ' ' — 
Flaudrau's State-Building in the West in the Collections of the Min- 
nesota Historical Society, Vol. VIII, p. 483. 

T Flandrau's State-Bmlding in the West in the Collections of th^ 
Minnesota Historical Society, Vol. VIII, pp. 483, 484. 

8 The massacre at Ash Hollow, often mentioned as a cause of the 
massacre at Okoboji, was the culmination of a campaign of terror 
planned by Gen. Harney against the Oglala and Brule Sioux. The 
line of march was Fort Leavenworth, Fort Kearney, Fort Laramie, 
and Fort Pierre. At Ash Hollow near the Blue Eiver and about 
four miles from the left bank of the North Platte he found Little 
Thunder's band of the Brule Sioux. When his cavalry had sur- 
rounded the Indians, he planned an advance with his infantry. Lit- 
tle Thunder desired a council. Gen. Harney refused, saying that he 
had come to fight. As Harney advanced, he motioned the Indians 
to run. They did so and ran directly into Harney's cavalry. Find- 

277 



THE SPIRIT LAKE MASSACRE 



iiig themselves trapped, they fought savagely to the end. ' ' The 
battle of Ash Hollow was little more than a massacre of the 
Brules .... Though hailed as a great victory .... the 
battle of Ash Hollow was a . . . . disgrace to the officer who 
planned and executed it. The Indians were trapped and knew 
it ... . and the massacre which ensued was as needless and 
as barbarous as any which the Dakotas have at any time visited upon 
the white people. ' ' — Robinson 's History of the Dakota or Siortx 
Indians in the South Dakota Historical Collections, Vol. II, pp. 224, 
225. See also General Harney in the South Dakota Historical Col- 
lections, Vol. I, pp. 107, 108; Beam's Reminiscences of Early Days 
in Nebraska in the Transactions and Reports of the Nebraska State 
Historical Society, Vol. Ill, pp. 301, 302; Hotise Executive Docu- 
ments, 1st Session, 34t.h Congress, Vol. I, Pt. II, Doc. No. 1, pp. 49-51. 

9Royee's Indian Land Cessions in the United States in the Eigh- 
teenth Annual Report of the Bureau of American Ethnology, Part 
II, pp. 710-712, 726; Kappler's Indian Affairs: Laics and Treaties, 
Vol. II, pp. 250-255, 305-310. 

10 See references in note 9 above. 

iiRoyce's Indian Land Cessions, p. 736; Kappler's Indian Af- 
fairs: Laics and Treaties, Vol. II, p. 346. 

i2Eoyce's Indian Land Cessions, p. 737. 

isRoyce's Indian Land Cessans, pp. 736, 737, 762, 763, 766-768, 
778, 779; Kappler's Indian Affairs: Laws and Treaties, Vol. II, pp. 
349, 474-477, 495, 546-549. 

i4Royce's Indian Land Cessions, pp. 768, 772; Kappler's Indian 
Affairs: Laics and Treaties, Vol. II, pp. 500, 518. 

15 Eoyce 's Indian Land Cessions, p. 778 ; Kappler 's Indian Af- 
fairs: Laws and Treaties, Vol. II, pp. 557-560. 

ii> In exchange for all lands claimed by the Sioux in northwestern 
Iowa and southwestern Minnesota they were granted a reservation 
as follows: "all that tract of country on either side of the Minne- 
sota River, from the western boundary of the lands herein ceded, east, 
to the Tchay-tam-bay River on the north, and to Yellow Medicine 
River on the south side, to extend, on each side, a distance of not 
less than 10 miles from the general course of said river; the bound- 
aries of said tract to be marked out by as straight lines as practica- 



NOTES AND REFERENCES 279 

ble". — Kappler's Indian Affairs: Laics and Treaties, Vol. II, p. 
590; Huglies's The Treaty of Traverse des Sioux in 1851 in the Col- 
lections of the Minnesota Historical Society, Vol. X, Pt. I, pp. 112, 
113. 

I'Eoyce's Indian Land Cessions, ]». 784; Kappler's Indian Af- 
fairs: Laws and Treaties, Vol. II, pp. 591-593. 

IS "It was with great reluctance that the Sioux Indians consented 
to surrender this favorite hunting and camping ground to the whites, 
as they did by the treaty of 1851." — Gue's History of Iowa, Vol. 
I, p. 288. 

CHAPTEE II 

10 The Indian Cliief Jagniani said of this treaty: "The Indians 
sold their lands at Traverse des Sioux. I say what we were told. 
For fifty years they were to be paid $50,000 per annum. We were 
also promised $300,000 that we have not seen." — Bryant and 
Murch's A History of the Great Massacre hy the Sioux Indians, in 
Minnesota, pp. 34, 35. See House Executive Documents, 1st Session, 
35th Congi-ess, Vol. II, Pt. I, p. 401. 

20 Senate Documents, 1st Session, 32nd Congress, Vol. Ill, Doc. 
No. 1, p. 414. 

21 Pond's The Dalotas or Sioux in Minnesota as They Were in 
1S34 in the Collections of tJie Minnesota Historical Society, Vol. XII, 
p. 377. 

22 Pond 's The Dakotas or Sioux in Minnesota as They Were in 
1SS4 in the Collections of the Minnesota Historical Society, Vol. XII, 
p. 376. 

23 "At Ci-ow-wing [Minnesota] there are no less than five whiskey 
shops, and [they] are only five miles from this agency. Five whiskey 
shops and not half a dozen habitations beside ! " — Senate Docu- 
ments, 1st Session, 35th Congress, Vol. II, Pt. I, pp. 339, 340, 342. 
See the Letter of Governor Grimes to President Fierce in the Roster 
and Record of Iowa Soldiers, Vol. VI, p. 890; Annals of Iowa (Third 
Series), Vol. Ill, p. 136. 

24 This treaty ' ' did away with all the employes .... where- 
as, before, the agent had a force to assist him in finding, destroying, 
and preventing the introduction of whiskey; now, he is entirely 



280 THE SPIRIT LAKE MASSACRE 

alone." — Senate Docwme7its, 1st Session, 35th Congress, Vol. II, Pt. | 

I. p. 342. 

25 Senate Documents, 1st Session, 35th Congress, Vol. II, Pt. I, p. 
338. 

2G Hughes 's The Treaty of Traverse des Sioux in 1851 in the Col- 
lections of the Minnesota Historical Society, Vol. X, Pt. I, pp. 106, 
107. 

2T Murray 's Becollections of Early Territorial Days and Legisla- 
tion in the Collections of the Minnesota Historical Society, Vol. XII, 
p. 120. 

28 Hughes's The Treaty of Traverse des Sioux in 1851 in the Col-, 
lections of the Minnesota Historical Society, Vol. X, Pt. I, p. 107. 

29 Robinson 's History of the Dakota or Sioux Indians in the South 
Dakota Historical Collections, Vol. II, p. 210. 

30 Thomas Hughes, in his article on The Treaty of Traverse des 
Sioux in 1851, says concerning this: "The Indians, however, re- 
pudiated this agreement, and asserted that it was a base fraud, that, 
as they were told and believed at the time, the paper they signed 
was represented to be only another copy of the treaty, and that they 
did not discover its real import, and the trick played upon them, until 
long afterward." — Collections of the Minnesota Historical Society, 
Vol. X, Pt. I, p. 114. 

31 Address of Greenleaf Clark on The Life and Influence of Judge 
Flandrau in the Collections of the Minnesota Historical Society, Vol. 
X, Pt. II, p. 774; Daniels's Reminiscences of Little Croio in the Col- 
lections of the Minnesota Historical Society, Vol. XII, p. 519. 

CHAPTER III 

32 C. C. Carpenter's Major William Williams in Annals of Iowa 
(Third Series), Vol. II, p. 150; Senate Executive Documents, 1st Ses- 
sion, 31st Congress, Vol. II, pp. 235, 242, 243. 

33 This fort was established by Brevet Major Samuel Woods, Sixth 
Infantry, with Company E of the same, from Ft. Snelling, Minneso- 
ta. It was established by General Orders No. 19, War Department, 
Adjutant General's Office, of May 31, 1850. Major Woods and men 



NOTES AND REFERP]NCES 281 

were detailed by Orders No. 22, 6th Military District, St. Louis, Mis- 
souri, July 14, 1850. Major Woods and men arrived on the site 
August 23, 1850. See Fort Dodge, Iowa, in the Armals of Iowa 
(Third Series), Vol. IV, pp. 534, 535; Jacob Van der Zee's Forts in 
the Iowa Country in The Iowa Journal of History and Politics, Vol. 
XII, pp. 197-199. 

^i Fort Bodge, loica, in the Annuls of loua (Third Series), Vol. 
IV, p. 535. 

33 Flickinger 's Pioneer History of Pocahontas Count y, Iowa, \). 
27; Fulton's Bed Men of Iowa, p. 288. 

36 Samuel J. Albright's First Organized Government of Dakota in 
the Collections of the Minnesota Historical Society, Vol. VIII, p. 139 ; 
Fulton's Med Men of Iowa, p. 288. 

3" Fort Clarke, by General Orders No. 34, Army Headquarters, on 
June 25, 1851, had been changed in name to Fort Dodge. By Order 
No. 9, Sixth Military Department Headquarters, St. Louis, Missouri, 
on March 30, 1853, the abandonment of Fort Dodge was ordered. By 
the same order. Major Woods was directed to establish the new post. 
— See Fort Dodge, Iowa, in the Annals of Iowa (Third Series), Vol. 
IV, pp. 536, 537; Carpenter's Major William Williams in the Annals 
of Iowa (Third Series), Vol. II, pp. 148, 149; Van der Zee's Forts in 
the Iowa Country in The Iowa Journal of History and Politics, Vol. 
XII, p. 199. 

38 Flickinger 's Pioneer History of Pocahontas County, Iowa, p. 26. 

39 Carpenter 's Major William Williams in the Annals of Iowa 
(Third Series), Vol. II, p. 151. 

io While Major Woods' detail was on its way from Fort Snelling 
en route to the future site of Fort Dodge it was joined on the Iowa 
Eiver by Major W^illiams who became later the post sutler and was 
destined to play a large part in the history of northwestern Iowa. 
This was in 1850. — Carpenter's Major William Williams in the An- 
nals of Iowa (Third Series), Vol. II, p. 147. 

41 Carpenter 's Major William Williams in the Annals of Iowa 
(Third Series), Vol. II, p. 151; letter from William Williams to Gov- 
ernor Hempstead, September 1, 1854, in the Public Archives, Des 
Moines, Iowa. 

42 Letters from Governor Grimes to Secretary of State, George 



282 THE SPIRIT LAKE MASSACRE 

W. McCleary, February 14, November 5, and December 1, 1855, and 
to Congressman S. R. Curtis, February 28, 1855, in the Public 
Archives, Des Moines, Iowa. 

43 Letter from Governor Grimes to the Iowa Congressional Dele- 
gation, January 3, 1855, in the Annals of Iowa (Third Series), Vol. 

II, pp. 627-630. 

■14 Letter from Governor Grimes to the Iowa Congressional Dele- 
gation, January 3, 1855, in the Annuls of Iowa (Third Series), Vol. 
IT, p. 629. 

45 Letter of Governor Grimes to Congressman S. R. Curtis, Feb- 
ruary 28, 1855, in the Public Archives, Des Moines, Iowa. 

46 Letter of Governor Grimes to President Pierce, December 3, 
1855, in the Annals of Iowa (Third Series), Vol. Ill, pp. 135-137; 
Rosier and Record of Iowa Soldiers, Vol. VI, pp. 889, 890. 

47 Smith 's The Iowa Frontier During the War of the Rebellion 
in the Proceedings of the Pioneer Laicmakers' Association of Iowa 
for 1898, p. 59. 

48 "He [Secretary of State in Iowa, Geo. W. MeCleary] also 
writes me that these Indians are manifestly making preparations for 
war, and have been and are now making great efforts to induce all 
the Mississippi River Sioux to unite with them in hostilities upon the 
whites. I hear from various sources that several runners have been 
sent by the Sioux west of the Missouri river, to those in this State, 
and in Minnesota, with war belts, urging the latter to make common 
cause with them. The result of all this is a great state of alarm 
along the whole frontier. ' ' — Letter of Governor Grimes to President 
Pierce, December 3, 1855, in the Annals of Iowa (Third Series), Vol. 

III, p. 136. Charles Aldrieh in an editorial in the Annals of Iowa 
(Third Series), Vol. Ill, p. 566, remarked that "Had the earnest 
appeals of Gov. Grimes been heeded, the Spirit Lake Massacre would 
not have occurred. ' ' 

49 The notable depredations charged to Indian outlawry at this 
time were in Buena Vista County where whole settlements were rout- 
ed; at Dakota City in Humboldt County; near Algona and Bancroft 
in Kossuth County. In fact both the spring and summer of 1855 and 
1856 were never free from depredations somewhere. For further in- 
formation consult The Spirit Lahe Massacre and Relief Expedition 
in the Roster and Record of Iowa Soldiers, Vol. VI, pp. 889, 890; 



NOTES AND REFERENCES 283 

Ingham's Ink-pa-du-tah's Revenge in the Midland MonihUi, Vol. IV, 
p 272. 

5" Hughes's The Treaty of Traverse des Sioux in 1S51 in the Col- 
lections of the Minnesota Historical Society, Vol. X, Pt. I, p. 117. 

51 Albright's The First Organised Govei-nment of BaVota in the 
Collections of the Minnesota Historical Society, Vol. VIII, p. 138. 

52 " It is a matter of history that whiskey is, and has been since 
the advent of white men in this country, the 'bane of the Indians,' 
and that there is scarcely a tribe or an individual Indian but tliat 
would at times give all his possessions for whiskey. When under its 
influence he knows not what he does. All of the depredations com- 
mitted by them upon the whites; all murders among themselves; or 
personal injuries inflicted by them upon each other, are perpetrated 
while under the influence of that destructive bane, or to revenge acts 
done while laboring under intoxication .... men will wonder 
why the agent will let whiskey go into the Indian country, as has been 
heretofore reported, ' ivithout let or hindrance. ' The same men, being 
in the Indian country ostensibly, solely for the good of the 'poor In- 
dian, ' will pass an Indian with a five or ten gallon keg on his back, 
and not attempt to destroy it; knowing at the same time that he has 
an equal authority for so doing as the agent, and just as much money 
furnished for expenses of prosecutions. ' ' — Report of D. B. Herriman, 
Chippewa Agent, September 15, 1857, in Senate Documents, 1st Ses- 
sion, 35th Congress, Vol. II, Pt. I, pp. 341, 342. 

53 See note 29 above, and Senate Documents, 1st Session, 35th Con- 
gress, Vol. II, Pt. I, p. 342. 

54 Pond's The DaJcotas or Sioux in Minnesota as They Were in 1834 
in the Collections of the Minnesota Historical Society, Vol. XII, pp. 
378, 379. 

55 Ida M. Street's A Chapter of Indian History in the Annals of 
Iowa (Third Series), Vol. Ill, pp. 601, 602. 

CHAPTER IV 

56 Petition of R. B. Clark, et al, to Governor Hempstead, July 6, 
1854, in the Public Archives, Des Moines, Iowa; Report of Major 
William Williams to Governor Hempstead, September 1, 1854, in the 
Public Archives, Des Moines, Iowa. 



284 THE SPIRIT LAKE MASSACRE 

5T Mrs. Abbie Gardner-Sharp 's History of the Spirit Lake Massacre 
(1885 edition), pp. 24-ol; Flickinger's Pioneer History of Pocahontas 
County, Iowa, pp. 28, 29. 

5s Fulton 's Bed Men of Iowa, p. 298 ; Gue 's History of Iowa, Vol. 
I, p. 292; Ingham's Inlc-pa-du-tah's Revenge in the Midland Monthly, 
Vol. IV, p. 272; Hughes's Causes and Eesults of the Inlcpaduta Mas- 
sacre in the Collections of the Minnesota Historical Society, Vol. XII, 
p. 268. 

■^9 Fulton 's Bed Men of Iowa, p. 281. 

60 Fulton's Bed Men of Iowa, pp. 281, 282; N. H. Winchell's 
Aborigines of Minnesota, p. 551. 

61 Other Indian chieftains who were leaders of the consolidated 
bands and who were to play a prominent part in later Indian history 
were Titonka, Ishtahabah or Young Sleepy Eyes, Umpashotah, Wah- 
konsa, and Kasominee. 

The great battles of Iowa 's inter-tribal Indian history were fought 
during the period of the supremacy of these leaders. These battles 
were mostly fought along the Des Moines, Skunk, Iowa, and Cedar riv- 
ers. The most notable were: Mud Lake, southeast of the present site 
of Webster City, against the Musquakies; a terrific contest with the 
Sac and Fox near Adel; a second contest quite as sanguinary with 
the same Indians about six miles north of the present city of Al- 
gona in 1852; a second battle with the Musquakies in April, 1852, 
near Clear Lake; and one on the banks of the Lizard, in which the 
Sioux, victorious, ended their long contest with the Sac and Fox. 
It was in the Algona battle that the ' ' lingering remnants of two 
great nations who had for more than two hundred years waged un- 
relenting warfare against each other had their last and final strug- 
gle. ' ' — Smith 's History of Dicbinson County, loiva, p. 25. Also 
Fulton's Bed Men of Iowa, pp. 282-287; Gue's History of Iowa, 
Vol. I, pp. 288, 289. 

62 Smith's History of Diclnnson County, loiva, p. 29; Hoover's 
Tragedy of Okoboji in the Annals of Iowa (Third Series), Vol. V. 
p. 15; Richman's The Tragedy at Minnewavlcon in Joh7i Brown among 
the Quakers, p. 208. 

63 Smith 's History of Dickinson County, Iowa, p. 29. 

64 See note 32 above. 



NOTES AND REFERp]NCES 285 

'J5 Smith's History of Dictinson Count)/, Iowa, ]). 29. The date 
of settlement hero is frequently stated as 1S47. 

<■>" Hughes's Camcs and Ecsults of tlic Inkpaduta Massacre in tlie 
Collections of the Minnesota Historical Society, Vol. XII, p. 2(i4. 

^~ For statements concerning the character of Henry Lott see 
Hubbard and Holcombe's Minnesota in Three Centuries, Vol. Ill, 
p. 222; Lucas's The Milton Lott Tragedy, pp. 1-10; Hughes's Causes 
and Besults of the Inkpaduta Massacre in the Collections of the 
Minnesota Historical Society, Vol. XII, pp. 264-268 ; The Spirit Lake 
Massacre and Belief Expedition in the Roster and Record of Iowa 
Soldiers, Vol. VI, p. 890; Gue's History of Iowa, Vol. I, p. 289; etc. 

68 Flickinger 's Pioneer History of Pocahonta^s County, Iowa, p. 28. 

69 The Madrid (Iowa) Historical Society, on December 18, 1905, 
the fifty-ninth anniversary of the boy's death, placed an iron marker 
upon his grave which had but lately been identified. — Lucas's The 
Milton Lott Tragedy, p. 8. 

70 The death of Mrs. Lott is said to have been the first wliite 
death in what is now Webster County. — Fulton 's lied Men of loiva, 
p. 296. 

'^i This cabin was in Dallas County, about five miles southwest of 
Madrid. Here Lott lived until the autumn of 1847. — Lucas's Tlie 
Milton Lott Tragedy, p. .5. 

72 To be definite, the cabin of Lott was in Section 16, Township 
93, Eange 28 West, very near the west line of the section. — Fulton 's 
Red Men of Iowa, p. 297. 

73 Stories as to the ruse used differ, but all now quite generally 
accept the elk incident. At the same time the assertion has been 
made that the incident never happened, but that Lott found at the 
lodge of Sidominadota silverware stolen from him in 1847, and com- 
mitted murder forthwith. 

74 Some writers concerning this incident aver that both the girl 
and boy escaped unharmed while others more romantically mention 
the boy as left for dead, while the girl escaping unharmed in the 
darkness later returned to the rescue of her brother. The boy, wiiose 
name was Joshpaduta, was later taken charge of by a white family 
named Carter who gave him a home. The boy would often leave 



286 THE SPIRIT LAKE MASSACRE 

and be gone for many days when he would again return. He is said, 
just before the Spirit Lake Massacre, to have warned these people 
of the impending trouble and then to have disappeared. He never 
returned, and the presumption is that he became a member of that 
band or was killed by them for telling. — Flickinger's Pioneer His- 
tory of Pocalwntas County, loiva, p. 28 ; Gue 's History of Iowa, Vol. 
I, p. 291; Smith's History of Bichinsan County, Iowa, p. 30. 

"5 See Fulton's Red Men of Iowa, pp. 293-299; Flickinger's Pio- 
neer History of Pocahontas County, Iowa, p. 28; Ingham's Ink-pa- 
du-tah's Revenge in the Midland Monthly, Vol. IV, p. 271; Smith's 
History of DicMnson County, Iowa, pp. 29, 31; Gue's History of 
Iowa, Vol. I, pp. 289-292. 

'6 Fulton's Red Men of Iowa, pp. 298, 299; Flickinger's Pioneer 
History of Pocahontas County, Iowa, p. 28; Lucas's Tlie Milton Lott 
Tragedy, p. 7; Hughes's Causes and Results of the Inkpaduta Mas- 
sacre in the Collections of the Minnesota Historical Society, Vol. 
XII, p. 268. 

'" Another report declared that the prosecuting attorney of Ham- 
ilton County had nailed the head above the entrance to his home in 
Homer. Note what is said in Flickinger's Pioneer History of Po- 
caJwntas County, Iowa, p. 28; Ingham's Inlc-pa-du-tah's Revenge 
in the Midland Monthly, Vol. IV, p. 271; Hughes's Causes and Re- 
sults of the Inlcpaduta Massacre in the Collections of the Minnesota 
Historical Society, Vol. XII, pp. 268, 269. 

CHAPTEE V 

' s Smith 's Tlie Iowa Frontier During the War of the Rebellion 
in the Proceedings of the Pioneer Laivmal-ers' Association of Iowa 
far 1S98, p. 56. 

'9 Smith's Th-e Iowa Frontier During the War of the Rebellion 
in the Proceedings of the Pioneer Lawmalcers' Association of Iowa 
for 1898, p. 56. 

80 Carpenter 's Major WiUiani Williams in the Annals of Iowa 
(Third Series), Vol. II, p. 151. 

81 Ingham's Inlc-pa-du-tah's Revenge in the Midland Monthly, Vol. 
IV, p. 272. 



NOTES AND REFERENCES 287 

s- The Spirit Laic Massacre and Belief Expedition in the Boster 
and Becord of Iowa Soldiers, Vol. VI, p. 892. 

ssGue's Eistonj of Iowa, Vol. I, p. 292; Fulton's Bed Men of 
Iowa, pp. 300, 301; The Spirit Lake Massacre and Belief Expedition 
in the Boster and Becord of Iowa Soldiers, Vol. VI, p. 892; Gillespie 
and Steele's History of Clay County, Iowa, pp. 55, 56. 

81 See note 83 above and also Mrs. Sharp 's History of the Spirit 
Lal-e Massacre (1902 edition), p. 43; Home Executive Documents, 
1st Session, 35th Congress, Vol. II, Pt. I, p. 357. 

85 A. Warner and Company's History of the Counties of Wood- 
bury and Plymouth, loiva, p. 295. 

sew. S. Dunbar and Company's Bioyraphical History of Cherokee 
County, Iowa, pp. 233-238. 

87 Wegerslev and Walpole's Past and Present of Buena Vista 
County, Iowa, pp. 37, 38; Perkins's History of O'Brien County, Iowa, 
pp. 10, 11. 

ssFlandrau's T/ie Ink-pa-du-ta Massacre of 1857 in the Collections 
of the Minnesota Historical Society, Vol. Ill, p. 388. 

89 Smith 's Tlie Iowa Frontier During the War of the Behellion in 
the Proceedings of the Pioneer Lawmakers' Association of Iowa for 
1898, p. 56. 

90 Carpenter 's Major William Williams in the Annals of Iowa 
(Third Series), Vol. II, p. 152. 

91 Hughes's Causes and Besults of the Inkpaduta Massacre in the 
Collections of the Minnesota Historical Society, Vol. XII, p. 270. 

92 For further reading concerning the character of the winter of 
1856-1857 see Hubbard and Holeonibe's Minnesota in Three Cen- 
turies, Vol. Ill, p. 223; Eichman's The Tragedy at Minnewaukon in 
John Brown among the Quakers, pp. 210-212; J. F. Buncombe's The 
Spirit Lake Belief Expedition of 1857 in the Proceedings of the Pio- 
neer Laivmakers' Association of Iowa for 1898, p. 38; The Spirit 
Lake Massacre and Belief Expedition in the Boster and Becord of 
Iowa Soldiers, Vol. VI, p. 892; Carpenter's Major William Williams 
in the Annals of Iowa (Third Series), Vol. II, p. 152; Hughes's 
Causes and Besidts of the Inkpaduta Massacre in the Collections of 



288 THE SPIRIT LAKE MASSACRE 

the Minnesota Historical Society, Vol. XII, p. 270; Carpenter's The 
Spirit Lake Massacre in the Midland Monthly, Vol. IV, pp. 19, 20. 

CHAPTER VI 

83 Mrs. Sharp's History of the Spirit LaJce Massacre (1902 edi- 
tion), p. 7; Lee's History of the Spirit Lake Massacre, p. 7. 

s* Mrs. Sharp's History of the Spirit Lake Massacre (1902 edi- 
tion), pp. 8-14; Lee's History of the Spirit Lake Massacre, pp. 7, 8. 

95 Mrs. Sharp's History of the Spirit Lake Massacre (1902 edi- 
tion), pp. 14-35. 

96 Lee's History of the Spirit Lake Massacre, p. 11; Carpenter's 
The Spirit Lake Massacre in the Midland Monthly, Vol. IV, p. 17; 
Mrs. Sharp's History of the Spirit Lake Massacre (1902 edition), p. 
36. 

97 Mrs. Sharp's History of the Spirit Lake Massacre (1902 e<li- 
tion), pp. 36-38. 

98 Mrs. Sharp's History of the Spirit Lal'e Massacre (1902 edi- 
tion), pp. 43, 44; The Spirit Lake Massacre and Belief Expedition in 
the Roster and Becord of Iowa Soldiers, Vol. VI, p. 891. 

99 Mrs. Sharp's History of the Spirit Lake Massacre (1902 edi- 
tion), pp. 42, 43. 

100 Hughes's Caiises and Besults of the Inkpaduta Massacre in the 
Collections of the Minnesota Historical Society, Vol. XII, p. 271; 
Mrs. Sharp's History of the Spirit Lake Massacre (1902 edition), pp. 
42-45 ; Carpenter 's The Spirit Lake Massacre in the Midland Monthly, 
Vol. IV, p. 19; The Spirit Lake Massacre and Belief Expedition in 
the Boster and Becord of Iowa Soldiers, Vol. VI, p. 891. 

101 Mrs. Sharp's History of the Spirit Lake Massacre (1902 edi- 
tion), p. 44; The Spirit Lake Massacre and Belief Expedition in the 
Boster and Becord of Iowa Soldiers, Vol. VI, pp. 891, 892. 

io2Neill's The History of Minnesota, p. 621; Mrs. Abigail Gard- 
ner Sharp in the Midland Monthly, Vol. IV, p. 32. 

103 Mrs. Sharp's History of the Spirit Lake Massacre (1902 edi- 
tion), pp. 44, 45; Carpenter's The Spirit Lake Massacre in the Mid- 
land Monthly, Vol. IV, p. 17; The Spirit Lake Massacre and Belief 



NOTES AND REFERENCES 289 

Eupcdition in the Foster and Eccurd of Iowa Soldiers, Vol. VI, p. 
891; Hughes's Causes and Besults of the Inkpaduta Massarrr in the 
Collections of the Minnesota Historical Society, Vol. XII, \k 270. 

104 Lee's History of the Spirit Lake Massacre, p. 11; Carpenter's 
The Spirit Lake Massacre in the Midland Monthly, Vol. IV, pp. 17, 
18; The Spirit Lake Massacre and Belief Expedition in the Roster 
and Record of Iowa Soldiers, Vol. VI, p. 891; Mrs. Sharp's History 
of the Spirit Lake Massacre (1902 edition), i)p. 45, 40. 

iu'>Mrs. Sharp's History of the Spirit Lake Massacre (1902 edi- 
tion), p. 46. 

100 Mrs. Sharp's History of the Spirit Lake Massacre (1902 edi- 
tion), p. 48. 

507jareb Palmer's Incidents of tJie Late Indian Outrages in the 
Hamilton Freeman, July 23, 1857; Hughes's Causes and Results of 
the Inkpaduta Massacre in the Collections of the Minnesota Historical 
Society, Vol. XII, pp. 272, 273. 

108 Dr. Strong had gone from Fort Dodge to Okoboji with the 
thought of locating there, but had finally decided upon Springfield. 
Eliza Gardner had been induced to spend the winter with the Strong 
family at Springfield. 

K'OJareb Palmer's Incidents of the Late Indian Outrages in the 
Hamilton Freeman (Webster City), July 23, 1857; Hoover's Tragedy 
of Okoboji in the Annals of loiva (Third Series), Vol. V, pp. 19, 20. 

iioJareb Palmer's Incidents of the Late Indian Outrages in the 
Hamilton Freeman (Webster City), July 23, 1857. 

CHAPTER VII 

111 Some authors give only three, Robert Clark, Enoch Ryan, and 
Jonathan Howe, as accompanying them upon their return. There 
seems good evidence to support the claim that Asa Burtch also made 
the return trip. See The Spirit Lake Massacre and Relief Expedition 
in the Roster and Record of Iowa Soldiers, Vol. VI, p. 893; Mrs. 
Sharp's History of the Spirit Lake Massacre (1902 edition), p. 51; 
Smith's A History of Dickinson County, loica, p. 64; Carpenter's 
The Spirit Lake Massacre in the Midland Monthly, Vol. IV, p. 19. 

CHAPTER VIII 

11^ In spite of their villainous character the Sioux pitied the ap- 



290 THE SPIRIT LAKE MASSACRE 

parent mislortunes of the Inkpaduta band and explained their unhappy 
lot as follows: "Long ago some chiefs and principal men of the 
lowas returned from Canada to Prairie du Chien in the winter, and 
attempted to pass through the Dakota territory to their own country. 
They were kindly received and hospitably entertained by the Waba- 
shaw band, who sent messengers to the Wahpekutas, then encamped 
at Dry Wood, requesting them to receive the lowas in a friendly 
manner and to aid them in their journey. The Wahpekutas re- 
turned a favorable answer and prepared a feast for the lowas, but 
killed them all while they were eating it." Thereafter, these Wah- 
pekutas were very unfortunate, many were killed, and the band near- 
ly perished. Their wickedness on this particular occasion was held 
to account for all their calamities of the future. In this connection 
read Pond's The Bdkotas or Sioux in Minnesota as They Were in 
1834 in the Collections of the Minnesota Historical Society, Vol. XII, 
p. 425. 

113 Lee 's History of the Spirit Lale Massacre, p. 14. 

114 Hughes's Cannes and Besults of the Inkpaduta Massacre in the 
Collections of the Minnesota Historical Society, Vol. XII, p. 264. 

115 The t«rm gens, as here used, implies descent in the male line. 
It is also well in this connection to recall the fact that the Sioux 
were in no sense a nation but acted as bands, each band being en- 
tirely separate, distinct, and independent from any other. — See 
Dorsey's Siouan Sociology in the Fifteenth Annual Report of the 
Bureau of American Ethnology, p. 213 ff. 

iisEichman's The Tragedy at Minnewaukon in John Broxvn among 
the Quakers, pp. 207, 208; Hodge's Handbook of the American In- 
dians, Pt. II, pp. 891, 902; Robinson's A History of the Dakota or 
Sioux Indians in the South Dakota Historical Collections, Vol. II, 
pp. 215, 216; House Executive Documents, 1st Session, 35th Con- 
gress, Vol. II, Pt. I, p. 359. 

iiT Hoiise Executive Documents, 1st Session, 35th Congress, Vol. 
II, Pt. I, p. 359; The Spirit Lake Massacre and Belief Expedition 
in the Boster and Record of Iowa Soldiers, Vol. VI, p. 887. 

lis Robinson's History of the Dakota, or Sioux Indians in the 
South Dakota Historical Collections, Vol. II, pp. 204, 216. 

1^3 Executive Documents, 1st Session, .';5th Congress, Vol. II, Pt. 



NOTES AND REFERENCES 291 

I. p. 389; Hubbard and Holconibe's Minnesota in Three Centuries, 
Vol. II, p. 220. 

1-0 Following the murder of Tasagi, Inkpaduta either through 
choice or fear became an exile from the band of Tasagi. His flight 
to the band of his father had automatically made him one. Doaiie 
Eobinson in his Sioux Indian Courts in the South Dakota Histarical 
Collections, Vol. V, pp. 404, 405, thus describes how a Wahpekuta 
became an exile: 

' ' If the offense was peculiarly repellent to the better sentiment 
of the camp the court might insist upon the summary infliction of 
the sentence imposed. This might be the death penalty, exile or 
whipping; or it might be the destruction of the tepee and other 
property of the convict .... For some offenses a convict was 
exiled from the camp, given an old tepee and a blanket, but no ai-ms, 
and was allowed to make a living if he could. Sometimes he would 
go off and join some other band, but such conduct was not con- 
sidered good form and he usually set up his establishment on some 
small hill near the home camp and made the best of the situation. 
If he conducted himself properly he was usually soon forgiven and 
restored to his rights in the community. If he went off to another 
people he lost all standing among the Sioux and was thereafter 
treated as an outlaw and a renegade. The entire band of Inkpa- 
duta, once the terror of the Dakota frontier, was composed of these 
outlaws." It was Inkpaduta 's flight to his father's band at this 
time that lost, for him, all standing with the followers of Tasagi. 
See also Robinson's A History of the Dakota or Sioux Indians in 
the South Dakota Historical Collections, Vol. II, pp. 343, 344. 

121 Hubbard and Holoombe's Minnesota in Three Centuries, Vol. 
Ill, p. 220. 

122 Hubbard and Holeombe's Minnesota in Three Centuries, Vol. 
Ill, p. 221. 

123 Hubbard and Holeombe's Minnesota in Three Centuries, Vol. 
Ill, p. 217. 

124 Hubbard and Holeombe's Minnesota in Three Centuries, Vol. 
Ill, p. 220. 

125 Hubbard and Holeombe's Minnesota in Three Centuries, Vol. 
Ill, pp. 217-222. 



292 THE SPIRIT LAKE MASSACRE 

120 Hubbard and Holcombe's Minnesota in Three Centuries, Vol. 
Ill, pp. 221, 222; Robinson's A History of the Dalota or Sioux 
Indians in the South Dakota Historical Collections, Vol. II, p. 209. 

127 Ingham's Inl-pa-du-tah,'s Revenge in the Midland Monthly, 
Vol. IV, p. 272. 

128 Hubbard and Holcombe's Minnesota in Three Centuries, Vol. 
Ill, pp. 267, 268; South DaJcota Historical Collections, Vol. VI, p. 
226. 

129 Mrs. Sharp's History of the Spirit Lake Massacre (1902 edi- 
tion), pp. 56, 57. 

130 Mrs. Sharp's History of the Spirit Lake Massacre (1902 edi- 
tion), p. 57. It is to be regretted that much of Mrs. Sharp's char- 
acterization of the Sioux evidences an animus and a tendency to em- 
phasize the bad rather than the good traits. The following from 
page 57 of her book is evidently unfair: "No other tribe of 
aborigines has ever exhibited more savage ferocity or so appalled 
and sickened the soul of humanity by wholesale slaughtering of the 
white race as has the Sioux". 

131 Hubbard and Holcombe's Minnesota in Three Centuries, Vol. 
Ill, p. 223. 

132 Robinson 's History of the Dakota or Sioux Indians in the 
South Dakota Historical Collections, Vol. II, pp. 346, 347. 

133 Hodge's Hand Book of tlie American Indians, Pt. II, pp. 891, 
902; South Dakota Historical Collections, Vol. I, pp. 110, 111; House 
Executive Documents, 1st Session, 35th Congress, Vol. II, Pt. I, pp. 
359, 389; Mrs. Sharp's Spirit Lake Massacre (1902 edition), pp. 54- 
56. 

CHAPTER IX 

134 Hubbard and Holcombe's Minnesota in Three Centuries, Vol. 
Ill, p. 223. 

i35jBos^6>r and Eecord of Iowa Soldiers, Vol. VI, p. 892; Fulton's 
Med Men of Iowa, p. 301; Smith's History of Dickinson County, 
Iowa, p. 53 ; Hubbard and Holcombe 's Minnesota in Three Centuries, 
Vol. Ill, p. 223. 

136 Robinson's History of tJie Dakota or Sioux Indians in the 
South Dakota Historical Collections, Vol. II, p. 344. 



NOTES AND REFERENCES 293 

13T The strength of the band was not great. Originally it is said 
to have numbered one hundred fifty lodges, but this estimate appears 
to be too higli. At the time it started up the Little Sioux from 
Smithland it probably numbered not more than fifteen lodges at the 
highest estimate. Its depletion was due to dissatisfaction in the 
band and to the fact that the band did not draw annuities which 
caused many to drop out and return to the Agency in order to secure 
them. See Mrs. Sharp's Spirit Lake Massacre (1902 edition), p. 
56; Hubbard and Holcombe's Minnesota in Three Centuries, Vol. 
Ill, p. 248; House Executive Docwments, 1st Session, 35th Congress, 
Vol. II, Pt. I, p. 359; Hodge's Handbook of American Indians, Pt. 

II, p. 891. 

13S Powell's On Kinship and the Tribe in the Third Annual Be- 
port of the Bureau of American Ethnology, p. xxxviii; Hubbard and 
Holcombe's Minnesota in Three Centuries, Vol. Ill, p. 223. 

139 Hubbard and Holcombe's Minncsot<i in Three Centuries, Vol. 

III, p. 223. 

For further support of the view that Sidominadota 's death was 
not a cause as here set forth see J. \V. Powell's Kinship and the 
Tribe in the preface to the Third Annual Eeport of the Bureau of 
American Ethnology, pp. xxxvdii-xl ; Senate Documents, 1st Session, 
32nd Congress, Vol. Ill, Doc. No. 1, p. 280; Pond's The Dalotas or 
Sioux in Minnesota as They Were in 1834 in the Collections of the 
Minnesota Historical Society, Vol. XII, p. 389; Dorsey's Siouan 
Sociology in the Fifteenth Annual Seport of the Bureau of Ameri- 
can Ethnology, pp. 213-218. 

CHAPTER X 

110 Smith's A History of Bicl-inson County, Iowa, p. 53; Fliekin- 
ger's Pioneer History of Pocahontas County, Iowa, p. 29. 

1-11 Flaiidrau's Inkpaduta Massacre of JS57 in the Collections of 
the Minnesota Historical Society, Vol. Ill, p. 388; Mrs. Sharp's 
Spirit Lake Massacre (1902 edition), p. 60; House Executive Docu- 
ments, 1st Session, 35th Congress, Vol. II, Pt. I, pp. 358, 389; Sen- 
ate Documents, 1st Session, 35th Congress, Vol. Ill, p. 146; The Spirit 
Lake Massacre and Helief Expedition in the Easter and Eecord of 
Iowa Soldiers, Vol. VI, p. 892. 

112 A. Warner and Company's History of the Counties of Wood- 
bury and Phpnouth, Iowa, pp. 305, 306. 



294 THE SPIRIT LAKE MASSACRE 

iia Smith's A History of Diclcinson County, Iowa, p. 55; Fulton's 
Eed Men of loiva, p. 303. 

CHAPTER XI 

144 W. S. Dimbar and Company's Biographical History of Chero- 
kee County, Iowa, p. 242; Fulton's The Bed Men of Iowa, p. 303. 

143 Peck and Montzheimer 's Past and Present of O'Brien and 
Osceola Counties, loica, Vol. I, p. 38. 

146 Gillespie and Steele 's History of Clay County, Iowa, pp. 56, 
57; Mrs. Sharp's History of the Spirit Lake Massacre (1902 edition), 
p. 61; Smith's History of Dickinson County, Iowa, p. 56. 

147 William H. Hart's History of Sac County, Iowa, p. 38; Gilles- 
pie and Steele's History of Clay County, Iowa, p. 57. 

148 The Spirit Lake Massacre and Belief Expedition in the Boster 
and Becord of Iowa Soldiers, Vol. VI, p. 892; Smith's History of 
Dickinson County, Iowa, pp. 58-61. 

149 John F. Duncombe's Spirit Lake Belief Expedition of 1857 in 
the Proceedings of the Pioneer Lawmakers' Association of Iowa foi- 
1898, p. 38; Annals of Iowa (Third Series), Vol. Ill, pp. 493, 494. 

CHAPTER XII 

150 Pond's The Dakotas or Sioux in Minnesota as They Were in 
1834 in the Collections of the Minnesota Historical Society, Vol. XII, 
pp. 436, 437. 

151 The Spirit Lake Massacre and Belief Expedition in the Boster 
and Becord of Iowa Soldiers, Vol. VI, p. 893; Mrs. Sharp's Spirit 
Lake Massacre (1902 edition), pp. 63, 64; Smith's History of Dick- 
inson County, Iowa, p. 65. 

152 Concerning the events at the Gardner cabin we must, of neces- 
sity, rely upon the statements of Mrs. Abbie Gardner Sharp who re- 
mained the only living witness of the scene. See Mrs. Sharp's His- 
tory of the Spirit Lake Massacre (1902 edition), pp. 63-65. 

153 Smith 's History of Dickinson County, Iowa, pp. 65, 66 ; Car- 
penter 's The Spirit Lake Massacre in the Midland Monthly, Vol. IV, 
p. 21; Cue's History of Iowa, Vol. I, pp. 297, 298; Mrs. Sharp's 
History of the Spirit Lake Massacre (1902 edition), pp. 65-67. 



NOTES AND REFERENCES 295 

i^"'i Eichman's Tlw Tragedy at Minneivaulon in Jo1m Brown anion (j 
the Quakers, pp. 214-216; Mrs. Sharp's History of the Spirit Lakr. 
Massacre (1902 edition), pp. 67-71; Carpenter's The Spirit Lake 
Massacre in the Midland MontMy, Vol. IV, p. 21. 

135 Pond's The Dakotas or Siotux in Minnesota as They icerc in 
1834 in the Collections of the Minnesota Historical Society, Vol. 
XII, pp. 437, 438. 

. 150 Mrs. Sharp's History of the Spirit Lake Massacre (1902 edi- 
tion), p. 73. 

i-'T See Mrs. Sharp's History of the Spirit Lake Massacre (1902 
edition), p. 73, where the statement is made that five men, two 
wcmen, and four cliildren were killed at the Mattock cabin. 

158 Hughes's Causes and Eesults of the Inkpaduta Massacre in tlie 
Collections of the Minnesota Historical Society, Vol. XII, pp. 271. 272. 

But there is a third view as to the outcome of the conflict at the 
Mattock cabin. This version is sponsored by Major William Wil- 
liams who was a member of the relief expedition sent from Fort 
Dodge. Major Williams believed that the Indians purposely con- 
cealed their losses. In his report to Governor Grimes, made upon 
his return to Fort Dodge under date of April 12th, he stated that 
"the number of Indians killed or wounded must be from fifteen to 
twenty." — (Gue's History of loica, Vol. I, p. 299.) This estimate 
would seem to be entirely too high. Only under exceptionally favor- 
able conditions would it have been possible for five men, suffering 
every possible handicap, to have killed or wounded so many concealed 
enemies. Again, there were in all probability not more than fifteen 
or twenty warriors in the party of the red men. The loss or crip- 
pling of such a number would have meant practical annihilation. 
Later when the party was encountered in its flight from the scene 
of the massacre, various individuals who had the opportunity of 
recognizing the individual members of the band reported them to 
be the same in membership as at the beginning of the laid at 
Smithland. Thus the statement of Major Williams could not have 
been accurate. Mrs. Sharp speaks of only one Indian as being 
injured and of no deaths — which is more probable. 

159 Mrs. Sharp's History of the Spirit Lake Massacre (1902 edi- 
tion), p. 74. 



296 THE SPIRIT LAKE MASSACRE 

CHAPTER XIII 

i''0 The Spirit Lake Massacre and Belief Expedition in the Roster 
and Bccord of Iowa Soldiers, Vol. VI, p. 894; Mrs. Sharp's History 
of the Spirit Lake Massacre (1902 edition), pp. 76-78; Smith's 
History of Dickinson County, Iowa, pp. 68, 69; Gue's History of 
loiva, Vol. I, pp. 300, 301 

Mrs. Noble and Mrs. Thatcher in later relations of the massacre 
spoke of their children as having been killed at their own cabin. 
If such were the facts then their dead bodies must have been car- 
ried to the Howe home; for there they were found by the members 
of the rescue party rather than at the place of death. This fact 
has led to the statement that five small Howe children were killed 
in addition to Sardis and Jonathan. There were, however, only three 
smaller children in the Howe family — Alfred, Jacob, and Philetus. 

161 Mrs. Sharp's History of the Spirit Lake Massacre (1902 edi- 
tion), pp. 78-80; Neill's History of Minnesota, pp. 622, 623. 

CHAPTER XIV 

1G2 Mrs. Sharp's History of the Spirit Lake Massacre (1902 edi- 
tion), pp. 81, 82. 

163 Agnes C. Laut 's Heroines of Spirit Lake in Outing Magazine, 
Vol. LI, p. 692. 

164 Gue in his History of Iowa, Vol. I, pp. 301, 302, says that 
Marble fired first at the target, and when he went out to see what 
had been the result of his shot the Indians fired on him; while 
Carpenter in his article on The Spirit Lalce Massacre in the Midland 
Monthly, Vol. IV, p. 22, states that when Marble 's gun became empty 
and he was defenseless he was shot. 

165 This is the list as it appears on the east tablet of the State 
Memorial near the Gardner cabin with the exception of the omission 
of the names of those not killed at the lakes but who were massacred 
in the vicinity of Springfield, Minnesota. — The Spirit Lake Massacre 
and Belief Expedition in the Bostcr and Becord of Iowa Soldiers, 
Vol. VI, p. 920. 

166 Mrs. Sharp's History of the Spirit Lake Massacre (1902 edi- 
tion), pp. 83, 84; The Spirit Lake Massacre and Belief Expedition 
in the Boster and Becord of lotca Soldiers, Vol. VI, p. 895. 



NOTES AND REFERENCES 297 

K. A. Smith, in his History of Dickinson County, appears skepti- 
cal concerning the real cliaracter or meaning of this attempt at 
Indian pictographic writing, and in commenting upon it notes that 
"many of the writers who have mentioned this incident have made 
more of it than the facts would warrant. The three or four pub- 
lished accounts which have been given to the public agree in stating 
that the picture record gave the position and number of victims 
correctly, and also represented those killed as being pierced with 
arrows. Now this is mainly fiction. The first discovery of the tree 
on which the hieroglyphics were delineated was by a party consist- 
ing of O. C. Howe, R. U. Wheelock and the writer sometime in 
May. ... It was a white ash tree standing a little way to the 
southeast of the door of the Marble cabin .... The rough 
outside bark had been hewed off for a distance of some twelve or 
fifteen inches up and down the tree. Upon the smoothed surface 
thus made were the representations. The number of cabins (six) 
was correctly given, the largest of which was represented as being in 
flames. There were also representations of human figures and with 
the help of the imagination it was possible to distinguish which 
were meant for the wliites and wliich the Indians. Tiiere were not 
over ten or a dozen all told, and except for the hint contained in 
the cabins, the largest one being in flames, we could not have 
figured any meaning out of it. This talk of the victims being 
pierced with arrows and their number and position given, is all non- 
sense. Mr. Howe and the writer spent some time studying it, and, 
while they came to the conclusion that it would convey a definite 
meaning to those understanding it, they could not make much out 
of it." 

I'JT Mrs. Sharp's History of the Spirit Lake Massacre (1902 edi- 
tion), p. 93; Hamilton Freeman, July 18, 1857; The Spirit Lake 
Massacre and Belief Expedition in the Foster and Hecord of Iowa 
Soldiers, Vol. VI, p. 895. 

CHAPTER XV 

i''8 Carpenter 's The Spirit Lake Massacre in the Midland Monthly, 
Vol. IV, p. 23; Mrs. Sharp's History of the Spirit Lake Massacre 
(1902 edition), pp. 85-87; The Spirit Lake Massacre and Belief 
Expedition in the Foster and Becord of loica Soldiers, Vol. VI, p. 
895; Smith's History of Dickinson County, Iowa, pp. 72, 73. 



^ ^^ 



298 THE SPIRIT LAKE MASSACRE 

i<i» The Spirit Lake Massacre and Belief Expedition in the Roster 
and Record of Iowa Soldiers, Vol. VI, p. 895; Smith's History of 
Dickinson County^ Iowa, pp. 73, 74. 

I'o The Spirit LaJce Massacre and Relief Expedition in the Roster 
and Record of Iowa Soldiers, Vol. VI, p. 895; Hubbard and Hol- 
combe's Minnesota in Three Centuries, Vol. Ill, p. 225; Hughes's 
Causes and Results of the Inkpaduta Massacre in the Collections of 
the Minnesota Historical Society, Vol. XII, p. 272; Mrs. Sharp's 
HiMory of the Spirit Lake Massacre (1902 edition), pp. 85-89; Car- 
penter's The Spirit Lake Massaa-e in the Midland Monthly, Vol. 
IV, p. 2;:;. 

I'l Hubbard and Holcombe's Minnesota in Three Centuries, Vol. 
Ill, p. 225. 

172 Hubbard and Hokombe's Minnesota in Three Centuries, Vol. 
Ill, p. 226. 

i'3 Flandrau's The Ink-pa-du-ta Massacre of 1857 in the Collec- 
tions of the Minnesota Historical Society, Vol. Ill, pp. 389, 390. 

174 Daniels's Reminiscences of Little Crow in the Collections of the 
Minnesota Historical Society, Vol. XII, p. 519; Hubbard and Hol- 
combe's Minnesota in Three Centuries, Vol. Ill, p. 237; Flandrau's 
The Ink-pa-du-ta Massacre of 1857 in the Collections of the Minne- 
sota Historical Society, Vol. Ill, p. 390. 

CHAPTER XVI 

i"5 Tliis was the Barnard E. Bee who was later to win fame as a 
general of the South during the Civil War. During that conflict, 
he it was who fastened the sobriquet of ' ' StonewaU ' ' upon the 
Confederate General Thomas E. Jackson in his now famous charge 
to his men — ■ ' ' For God 's sake stand, men. Stand like Jackson 's 
brigade, on your right, there they stand like a stone wall." Bee 
was killed in an attempt to hold his brigade in line of battle against 
a murderous fire in the first battle of Bull Run, July 21, 1861. — 
Hubbard and Holsombe's Minnesota in Three Centuries, Vol. Ill, 
p. 238; Heitman's Historical Register and Dictionary of the United 
States Army, Vol. I, p. 205. 

17G Hubbard and Holcombe 's Minnesota in Three Centuries, Vol. 
Ill, p. 237; Flandrau's The Ink-pa-du-ta Massacre of 1857 in the 



NOTES AND RBFP]RENCES 2!)() 

Collections of the Minnesota Historical Society, Vol. Ill, p. ;'.90; 
report of Captain Barnard E. Bee in House Executive Docuni< nls, 
1st Session, 35tli Congress, Vol. II, Tt. 1, p. 350. 

1"' Report of Captain Barnard E. Bee in House Executive Docu- 
ments, 1st Session, 35th Congress, Vol. II, Pt. I, No. 2, p. 350. 

I's Flandrau's The Ink-pa-du-ta Massacre of JS57 in the Collec- 
tions of the Minnesota Historical Society, Vol. Ill, pp. 390, 391. 

i"9 Hughes's Causes and Eesults of the Inlpaduta Massacre in the 
Collections of the Minnesota Historical Society, Vol. XII, p. 273; 
House Executive Documents, 1st Session, 35th Congress, Vol. II, Pt. 
I, p. 358. 

ISO Flandrau's The Inl-pa-du-ta Massacre of 1S57 in the Collec- 
tions of the Minnesota Historical Society, Vol. Ill, p. 391 

181 Report of Captain Barnard E. Bee in House Executive Docu- 
ments, 1st Session, 35th Congress, Vol. II, Pt. I, ]i. 351. 

CHAPTER XVII 

is^ Palmer's Incidents of the Late Indian Outrages in the Hamil- 
ton Freeman (Webster City), July 23, 1857. 

183 Hubbard and Holcombe's Minnesota in Three Centuries, Vol. 
Ill, pp. 226, 230; Palmer's Incidents of the Late Indian Outrages in 
the Hamilton Freeman (Webster City), July 23, 1857. 

i8i Hoover's The Tragedy of Oloboji in the Annals of Iowa 
(Third Series), Vol. V, pp. 19, 20; Palmer's Incidents of the Late 
Indian Outrages in the Hamilton Freeman (Webster City), July 23, 
1857. 

185 Hubbard and Holcombe's Minnesota in Three Centuries, Vol. 
Ill, p. 234; Palmer's Incidents of the Late Indian Outrages in the 
Hamilton Freeman (Webster City), July 23, 1857. 

ISO Palmer's Incidents of the Late Indian Outrages in the Hamil- 
ton Freeman (Webster City), July 23, 1857. 

187 Palmer's Incidents of the Late Indian Outrages in the Hamil- 
ton Freeman (Webster City), July 23, 1857. 

188 The gold with which they paid for their purchases was pre- 
sumably a portion of that which was taken from Marble's body.— 



300 THE SPIRIT LAKP] MASSACRE 

See Hubbard and Holeombe 's Minnesota in Three Centuries, Vol. 
Ill, p. 227. 

ISO The Moccasin's camp had been about six miles up the river to 
the north of Springfield, while the trading post here referred to was 
nine miles <listant. Coursalle, or "Joe Gaboo", was a well-known 
half-blood Sisseton Sioux. At all times Indians in small numbers 
were grouped about him ; they were always friendly. — Hubbard and 
Holeombe 's Minnesota in Three Centuries, Vol. Ill, p. 226. 

I'jo Hubbard and Holeombe 's Minnesota in Three Centuries, Vol. 
Ill, pp. 227, 228. 

191 Palmer's Incidents of the Late Indian Outrages in the Hamilton 
Freeman (Webster City), July 23, 1857; Hubbard and Holeombe 's 
Minnesota in Three Centuries, Vol. Ill, p. 228. 

CHAPTER XVIII 

192 Carpenter 's The Spirit Lake Massacre in the Midland Monthly, 
Vol. IV, p. 23; Mrs. Sharp's History of the Spirit Lal'e Massacre 
(1902 edition), pp. 94, 95; Hubbard and Holeombe 's Minnesota in 
Three Centuries, Vol. Ill, p. 229. See also a different version in 
Palmer's Incidents of the Late Indian Outrages in the Hamilton 
freeman (Webster City), July 30, 1857. 

193 Hubbard and Holeombe 's Minnesota in Three Centuries, Vol. 
Ill, pp. 229, 230; Laut's Heroines of Spirit Lake in the Outing 
Magazine, Vol. LI, p. 692; Mrs. Sharp's History of the Spirit Lake 
Massacre (1902 edition), pp. 94-99. 

19-1 Dr. Strong has been considerably maligned as one who upon 
the first alarm had become so terrified that he summarily fled south, 
leaving his wife and children to the mercies of an Indian attack. 
For a more charitable view see Palmer's Incidents of the Late In- 
dian Outrages in the Hamilton Freeman (Webster City), July 30, 
1857. 

195 For somewhat varying accounts of the attack upon the Thomas 
cabin see Palmer's Incidents of the Late Indian Outrages in the 
Hamilton Freeman (Webster City), July 30, 1857; Carpenter's The 
Spirit Lake Massacre in the Midland Monthly, Vol. IV, pp. 23-25; 
Gue's History of Iowa, Vol. I, pp. 304, 305; Mrs. Sharp's History 
of the Spirit Lake Massacre (1902 edition), pp. 94-99; Hughes's 



NOTES AND REFERENCES 301 

Causes and Besnlts of the Inlpaduta Massacre in the Collections of 
tlw Minnesota Historical Society, Vol. XII, pp. 275, 276; Hubbard 
and Holcombe's Minnesota in Three Centuries, Vol. Ill, pp. 229, 230; 
The Spirit Lake Massacre and Relief Expedition in the Eoster end 
Becord of Iowa Soldiers, Vol. VI, pp. 898, 899. 

I'JC Hubbard and Holcombe's Minnesota in Three Centuries, Vol. 
Ill, p. 230. 

19" For the attack upon the Wood brothers see Hubbard and 
Holcombe's Minnesota in Three Centuries, Vol. Ill, p. 230; Hughes's 
Causes and Results of the Inlcpaduta Massacre in the Collections of 
the Minnesota Historical Society, Vol. XII, p. 275; Mrs. Sharp's 
History of the Spirit Lake Massa<^re (1902 edition), pp. 99, 100. 

198 Report of Captain Barnard E. Bee in House Executive Docu- 
ments, 1st Session, 35th Congress, Vol. II, Pt. II, p. 147. 

199 All of the particulars of the events which happened at the 
Stewart home we owe to the relation of Johnny. He was later 
adopted into the home of Major William Williams at Fort Dodge and 
in 1915 was living in Byron, Minnesota, and at that time was one 
of the four living survivors of the raid. Eead accounts in Hubbard 
and Holcombe's Minnesota in Three Centuries, Vol. Ill, pp. 230, 231; 
Palmer's Incidents of the Late Indian Outrages in the Hcmilton 
Freeman (Webster City), July 30, 1857; Gue's History of Iowa, Vol. 
I, p. 305; Mrs. Sharp's History of the Spirit Lake Massacre (1902 
edition), pp. 100, 101. 

200 Hubbard and Holcombe's Minnesota in Three Centuries, Vol. 
Ill, p. 232; Mrs. Sharp's History of the Spirit Lake Massacre (1902 
edition), p. 107. 

201 Mrs. Sharp's History of the Spirit Lake Massacre (1902 edi- 
tion), pp. 148, 149. For Mrs. Marble's impressions see an article 
from the St. Paul Pioneer, May 31, 1857, republished in the Hamilton 
Freeman (Webster City), July 13, 1857. 

CHAPTER XIX 

202 Palmer's Incidents of the Late Indian Outrages in the Ham- 
ilton Freeman (Webster City), July 30, 1857; Mrs. Sharp's History 
of the Spirit Lake Massacre (1902 edition), pp. 102-104. 

203 Charles Aldrich in an address at the unveiling of a commemo- 



302 THE SPIRIT LAKE MASSACRE 

rative tablet in the Hamilton County Court House in Webster City, 
Iowa, on August 12, 1887, states that they started about midnight. 
It does not seem, however, that such a late hour could have been 
possible under the circumstances. — See the Annals of Iowa (Third 
Series), Vol. Ill, p. 548. 

204 Palmer's Incidents of the Late Indian Outrages in the Ham- 
ilton Freeman (Webster City), July 30, 1857. 

205 Palmer 's Incidents of the Late Indian Outrages in the Ham- 
ilton Freeman (Webster City), July 30, 1857; Hubbard and Hol- 
combe's Minnesota in Three Centuries, Vol. Ill, p. 233. For a 
wholly different view of Dr. Strong see Gue's History of Iowa, 
Vol. I, pp. 307, 308. 

200 One version of the flight of these refugees tells us that Smith 
and Henderson were not, at first, left behind but were taken for some 
distance on hand sleds. This proved impracticable and the men 
were abandoned. Miss Agnes C. Laut has this plainly in mind when 
she refers to Mrs. Smith as the "one dame, who abandoned an in- 
jured husband on a hand sleigh" and hence does not need to "be 
preserved as a heroine of the West." This, however, is unfair to 
Mrs. Smith. — See Miss Laut 's Heroines of Spirit Lalce in the Out- 
ing Magazine, Vol. LI, p. 692. 

207 For varied versions of the flight of the Wlieeler refugees see 
Mrs. Shar2)'s History of the Spirit Lake Massacre (1902 edition), 
pp. 109, 110; Gue's History of Iowa, Vol. I, pp. 307, 308; Hubbard 
and Holcombe's Minnesota in Three Centuries, Vol. Ill, p. 234. 

CHAPTEE XX 

20S Hubbard and Holcombe's Minnesota in Three Centuries, Vol. 
Ill, p. 239. 

209 Report of Captain Barnard E. Bee in House Executive Docu- 
ments, 1st Session, 35th Congress, Vol. II, Pt. II, Doc. No. 2, p. 146. 

210 Mrs. Sharp's History of the Spirit Lake Massacre (1902 edi- 
tion), pp. 160-162. 

211 Quoted from the St. Paul Pioneer and Democrat for May 16, 
1857, in Holcombe's Minnesota in Three Centuries, Vol. Ill, p. 240. 

212 Mrs. Sharp's History of the Spirit Lake Massacre (1902 edi- 
tion), pp. 158-160. 



NOTES AND REFERENCES 303 

213 Hubbard and Holcombe's Minnesota in Three Centuries, Vol. 
Ill, pp. 241, 242. 

CHAPTER XXI 

214 For iuforniation concerning the journey and findings of Howe, 
Wheelock, and Parmenter see Tlie Spirit Lake Massacre and Belief 
Expedition in the Easter and Eecord of Iowa Soldiers, Vol. VI, pp. 
895, 896; Mrs. Sharp's History of the Spirit Lake Massacre (1902 
edition), pp. 125, 126; Smith's History of Dickinson County, Iowa, 
pp. 49, 74, 75; Carpenter's The Spirit Lake Massacre in the Midland 
Monthly, Vol. IV, p. 26; Flickinger's Pioneer History of Poca- 
hontas County, Iowa, p. 35; Gue's History of Iowa, Vol. I, p. 311. 

215 Address of Capt. Charles B. Bichards, at the placing of a 
memorial tablet in the Hamilton County Court House, in the Annals 
of loiva (Third Series), Vol. Ill, p. 509. 

210 Carpenter 's The Spirit Lake Massacre in the Midland Monthly, 
Vol. IV, p. 26; Address of John N. Maxwell in the Annals of Iowa 
(Third Series), Vol. Ill, p. 525; Smith's History of Dickinson 
County, Iowa, p. 75. 

21- Letter from Sergt. Harris Hoover in the Annals of Iowa 
(Third Series), Vol. Ill, p. 551; Hoover's The Tragedy of Okoboji 
in the Annals of Iowa (Third Series), Vol. V, p. 16. 

21S Hoover's Tlie Tragedy of Okoboji in the Annals of Iowa 
(Third Series), Vol. V, p. 16. 

'■^^^ Address of John N. Maxwell in the Annals of Iowa (Third 
Series), Vol. Ill, p. 526. 

220 The Narrative of TV. K. Laughlin in the Annuls of Iowa 
(Third Series), Vol. Ill, p. 542. 

221 Tlie Spirit Lake Massacre and Belief Expedition in the Boster 
and Eecord of Iowa Soldiers, Vol. VI, pp. 932-937; Annals of Iowa 
(Third Series), Vol. II, p. 71. See also the west tablet on the 
State Memorial Monument near the Gardner cabin, Arnold's Park, 
Okoboji, Iowa. 

^■2' Address of John N. Maxwell in the Annals of Iowa (Third 
Series), Vol. Ill, pp. 525, 526; The Spirit Lalce Massacre and Be- 
lief Expedition in the Boster and Becord of Iowa Soldiers, Vol. VI, 
p. 897. 



304 THE SPIRIT LAKE MASSACRE 

223 Boster and Record of Iowa Soldiers, Vol. VI, pp. 922, 923, 928; 
Buncombe's Spirit Lake Expedition in the Annals of loica (Third 
Series), Vol. Ill, p. 495. 

224 The roster as here given is that found in the Easter and Bee- 
ord of Iowa Soldiers, Vol. VI, pp. 922-932, and is also to be found 
on the west tablet of the Memorial Monument at Arnold's Park, 
Okoboji, Iowa. Harris Hoover in his Expedition to Spirit Lake in 
the Hamilton Freeman (Webster City), August 20, 1857, differs 
somewhat. 

225 Address of Capt. Charles B. Bichards in the Annals of Iowa 
(Third Series), Vol. Ill, p. 510. 

226 Mr. Duncombe's Address in the Annals of Iowa (Third Series), 
Vol. Ill, p. 495. 

227 Hoover in his Expedition to Spirit Lake in the Hamilton Free- 
man (Webster City), August 20, 1857, speaks of Major Williams as 
"afflicted with rheumatism, and the frost of 70 winters whitening his 
brow" as resolutely setting "forward at our head." This Major 
Williams resented and took occasion to reply in the succeeding issue 
of the Freeman that "I can't agree to be made so old. I was 60 
last December [1856], and never have I been afflicted with rheuma- 
tism in my life .... I don 't wish to be considered so old. ' ' 

CHAPTEE XXII 

22S Address of John N. Maxtcell in the Annals of Iowa (Third 
Series), Vol. Ill, p. 526. 

229 Hoover 's Expedition to Spirit Lake in the Hamilton Freeman 
(Webster City), August 20, 1857; Address of Capt. Charles B. Bich- 
ards in the Annals of Iowa (Third Series), Vol. Ill, pp. 510, 511. 

230^ Paper by Michael Sweeney in the Annals of Iowa (Third 
Series), Vol. Ill, p. 539; The Narrative of W. K. Laughlin in the 
Annals of Iowa (Third Series), Vol. Ill, p. 542; Hoover's Expedi- 
tion to Spirit Lake in the Hamilton Freeman (Webster City), August 
20, 1857. 

231 Duncombe's Spirit Lake Expedition in the Annals of Iowa 
(Third Series), Vol. Ill, p. 496. 

232 Address of Capt. Charles B. Bichards in the Annals of Iowa 
(Third Series), Vol. Ill, p. 510. 



NOTES AND REFERENCES 305 

2s:'. Hoover's Expedition to Spirit Lake in the Hamilton Freeman 
(Webster City), August 20, 1857. See also Duncombe's Spirit Lake 
Expedition in the Annals of Iowa (Third Scries), Vol. Ill, ]). 496; 
Address of John N. Maxwell in the Annals of latra (Tliiiil Scries), 
Voh III, p. 527; A Paper by Mieltael Siveeney in tiic Annals of loan 
(Third Series), Vol. Ill, p. 5;-;8. 

-■!■! McKnight's Point was on the West Fork of the Des Moines, 
on the Fort Ridgely road, about two miles to the southeast of the 
mouth of Bridge Creek. — See map in Parker's lotva As It Is, 1857. 

2->5 Hoover 's Tlie Tra(/edy of Okohoji in the Annals of lotva 
(Third Series), Vol. V, p. 17; Buncombe's Spirit Lake Expedition 
in the Annals of Iowa (Third Series), Vol. Ill, p. 497. 

236^ Paper ty Michael Siveeney in the Annals of Iowa (Thiid 
Series), Vol. Ill, p. 5.39. 

237 J Paper by Michael Sweeney in the Annals of Iowa (Third 
Series), Vol. Ill, p. 539. 

238 For this incident see Duncombe's Spirit Lake Expedition in tlie 
Annals of Iowa (Third Series), Vol. Ill, pp. 498, 499; Hoover's Tlie 
Tragedy of Okoboji in the Annals of Iowa (Third Series), Vol. V, 
pp. 17, 18. 

239 Duncombe's Spirit Lake Expedition in the Annals of Iowa 
(Third Series), Vol. Ill, p. 499. 

240 Carpenter 's Tlie Spirit Lake Massacre in the Midland Monthly, 
Vol. IV, p. 27. 

241 Roster and Record of Iowa, Soldiers, Vol. VI, pp. 929, 934. 

242 The Narrative of W. K. Laughlin in the Annals of lotva (Third 
Series), Vol. Ill, p. 542. 

243 Duncombe's Spirit Lake Expedition in the Annals of Iowa 
(Third Series), Vol. Ill, p. 500. 

244 For the enlistments of these individuals see the Roster and 
Record of Iowa Soldiers, Vol. VI, pp. 924, 925, 926. 

245 In the Roster and Record of Iowa Soldiers, Vol. VI, pp. 929 
and 931, it is stated that Thatcher and Burtch enlisted either at 
Fort Dodge on March twenty-third or at Shippey's on March twenty- 
eighth. The latter place and date seem far more probable than do 
the former. 



306 THE SPIRIT LAKE MASSACRE 

24G ^ Paper hy Michael Sweeney in the Annals of Iowa (Third 
Series), Vol. Ill, p. 539; The Narrative of TV. K. Laughlin in the 
Annals of Iowa (Third Series), Vol. Ill, p. 542. 

247 The Narrative of W. E. Laughlin in the Annals of Iowa (Third 
Series), Vol. Ill, p. 542. 

CHAPTER XXIII 

2is Address of John N. Maxwell in the Annals of lotva (Third 
Series), Vol. Ill, p. 527. 

249 Carpenter 's The Spirit LaTce Expedition in the Annals of Iowa 
(Third Series), Vol. Ill, p. 483. 

249 Carpenter 's The Spirit Lake Expedition in the Annals of Iowa 
(Third Series), Vol. Ill, p. 500; Address of John N. Maxwell in the 
Annals of Iowa (Third Series), Vol. Ill, p. 527; The Narrative of 
TV. K. Laughlin in the Annals of lotva (Third Series), Vol. Ill, p. 
542. 

251 There seems to have been some disagreement as to who had 
charge of tlie advance guard. For the view taken by the present 
writer see Smitli 's History of Dickinsoii Comity, Iowa, p. 80. 

2^2 Frank E. Mason's Bccollections in the Annals of lotva (Third 
Series), Vol. Ill, pp. 532, 533; Carpenter's Spirit Lake Expedition 
in the Annals of Iowa (Third Series), Vol. Ill, p. 484. 

253 For an account of the discovery of the Springfield fugitives 
see that of Frank B. Mason's Eecollections in Annals of lotva (Third 
Series), Vol. Ill, pp. 532, 533. 

234 A quotation from Carpenter in Cue's History of Iowa, Vol. I, 
p. 314. 

255 Frank E. Mason's Eecollections in the Annals of Iowa (Third 
Series), Vol. Ill, p. 533; Smith's A History of Dickinson County, 
Iowa, p. 82. 

256^ Paper by Charles Aldrich in the Annals of loiva (Third 
Series), Vol. Ill, p. 548. 

257^ Paper by Charles Aldrich in the Annals of lotva (Third 
Series), Vol. Ill, p. 548. 

2os Frank E. Mason's Eecollections in the Annals of Iowa (Third 
Series), Vol. Ill, p. 533. 



NOTES AND REFERENCES 307 

^59 Address of Capt. Charles B. Eichards in the Annals of Iowa 
(Third Series), Vol. Ill, p. 513; Address of John N. Maxwell in the 
Annals of Iowa (Third Series), Vol. Ill, p. 528; Dimeombe's Spirit 
Lake Expedition in tlie Annals of Iowa (Third Series), Vol. Ill, pp. 
502-504. 

CHAPTER XXIV 

260 Easter and Eecord of Iowa Soldiers, Vol. VI, pp. 922-9.37 ; 
Smith's History of Dickinson County, Iowa, p. 84. 

2fii Address of Captain Charles B. Eichards in the Annals of Iowa 
(Third Series), Vol. Ill, p. 515; Smith's History of Dickinson Coun- 
ty, Iowa, p. 84. 

262 The reputed finding of tlie body of Joel Howe may vrell be 
questioned. The evidence presented tends to show that the head- 
less skeleton found by Mr. Goodenough could not have been that of 
Howe. Of the party that took the trail route to the Mattock cabin 
from Howe's, H. E. Dalley is the only one who in lat« years has 
survived, and in fact he was about the only one of the Johnson 
party who survived the fearful storm of the fourth and was able to 
give a coherent tale of what they had done. The leader of the party 
and its second most active member both were lost in the storm. Mr. 
Dalley in relating the facts of the burial of Howe has always main- 
tained that Howe's body, complete and not headless, was found but 
not buried at the same spot. Instead the party carried the body 
to the Mattock place where it was interred. He has ever sturdily 
maintained that this act of the party is the most vivid recollection of 
the whole experience. Lieutenant Maxwell has also maintained that 
the body was not headless when found. There is a discrepancy be- 
tween the number of bodies disinterred in the vicinity of the Mattock 
cabin and the number of people reported to have been killed there. 

The place and conditions under which the skeleton was found also 
lend an air of controversy. The skeleton is said to have been found 
about eighteen inches deep under a cow-path and at the head of a 
small ravine worn back about thirty feet from the lake shore. In 
soil conditions as they exist at the lakes, such a ravine would not 
have been the result of years of work, as is implied, but would have 
been the work of a freshet. That the wearing back was the result 
of the work of years is implied in the statement that "Turning at 
the head of this recession is a cattle path." Here the inference is 
plain that the cattle for years had turned to avoid the ravine. Once 



308 THE SPIRIT LAKE MASSACRE 

started, the spring freshets and snnimer rains would have rapidly- 
worn the ravine back to a greater distance than thirty feet. All 
those stating that the body was buried where found say it was buried 
upon the summit of a bluff. The conclusion is evident that a thirty 
foot backward recession of a ravine would hardly have occurred in 
the face of a bluff. By its finders the body is said to have been 
buried only about eighteen inches deep. With the eroding effects 
of a cattle path would it have been still that depth below the surface 
after a lapse of nearly a half century? One would think that such 
could hardly be. For discovery and interment of the remains of 
Joel Howe, see Annals of Iowa (Third Series), Vol. XI, pp. 551-553. 

2C3 There will probably always be more or less controversy as to 
the number of bodies found and buried. The present writer has 
sought to be conservative in accepting evidence. See Smith 's A 
History of Diclcinson County, Iowa, pp. 88, 89; Address of John N. 
Maxwell in the Annals of Iowa (Third Series), Vol. Ill, pp. 539, 
540; Tlie Narrative of W. K. Laughlin in the Annals of Iowa (Third 
Series), Vol. Ill, p. 543; Mrs. Sharp's History of the Spirit hole 
Massacre (1902 edition), p. 74. 

2G-i Smith 's A History of HicMnson County, loica, p. 90; Eoster 
and Becord of Iowa Soldiers, Vol. VI, pp. 922-937. 

2'''5 Smith 's A History of Dickinson County, Iowa, \). 90. 

266 Smith's A History of Dickinson County, Iowa, pp. 91-94. 

267 The Narrative of W. K. LaugJilin in the Annals of loioa (Third 
Series), Vol. Ill, p. 544. 

208 Smith's A History of Dickinson County, Iowa, pp. 98, 99; Ad- 
dress of John N. Maxwell in the Aiinals of Iowa (Third Series), Vol. 
Ill, p. 530; The Narrative of TV. K. Laughlin in the Annals of Iowa 
(Third Series), Vol. Ill, p. 544. 

260 The Spirit Lake Massacre and Belief Expedition in the Eoster 
and Eecord of Iowa Soldiers, Vol. VI, pp. 995, 996 ; Narrative of TV. 
K. Laughlin in the Annals of Iowa (Third Series), Vol. Ill, p. 544; 
Address of John N. Maxwell in the Annals of Iowa (Third Series), 
Vol. Ill, p. 531. 

210 Address of John N. Maxwell in the Annals of Iowa (Third 
Series), Vol. Ill, p. 531; The Narrative of TV. K. Laughlin in the 
Annals of Iowa (Third Series), Vol. Ill, p. 544. 



NOTES AND REFERENCES 309 

271 The Narrative of W. K. Laiighlin in tlie Annals of loira (Third 
Series), Vol. Ill, pp. 544, 545. 

2~2 Address of John N. Maxwell in the A7mals of Iowa (Third 
Series), Vol. Ill, pp. o.'U, 532; The Narrative of W. K. Laughlin in 
the Annals of Iowa (Third Series), Vol. Ill, pp. 544, 545; Gue's 
History of Iowa, Vol. I, p. ;}17. 

2-3 Captain Johnson had come to Bach Grove on the Boone River 
Troy Township. Wright County, from Pennsylvania. Mention has 
been made of the manner of his enlistment. Upon his failure to re- 
turn, his mother ilisposed of the claim and returned to Pennsylvania. 
When the bodies were found, Angus McBane of Fort Dodge took 
charge of the remains and sent them to his mother for burial. The 
remains of Burkholder were taken charge of by his brother-in-law. 
Governor C. C. Carpenter. They were given a military funeral at 
Fort Dodge, conducted by Major Williams. All the members of Com- 
pany C that could be brought together at that time attended. — A 
Paper by Michael Sweeney in the Annals of Iowa (Third Series), Vol. 
Ill, p. 541. 

CHAPTER XXV 

--i Address of Capt. Churhs B. Eichards in the Annals of Iowa 
(Third Series), Vol. Ill, p. 516. 

2T5 Captain Richards speaks of their attempt to secure supplies 
at the settlement upon their return as follows: "The settlers at 
the Colony were on short rations and could spare notliing. We de- 
cided to buy a steer and kill for the party, but we had no money 
and the owner refused to sell without pay. We offered to give the 
personal obligation / of all the officers, and assured him the State 
would pay a good price; but this was not satisfactory. We there- 
fore decided to take one ri ct armis, and detailed several men to 
kill and dress the steer. They were met by men, women and chil- 
dren, armed with pitchforks to resist the sacrifice, and not being 
able to convince them either of the necessity of the case or that 
they would get pay for the steer, I ordered Lieut. Stratton and a 
squad of men with loaded guns to go and take the st«er- when 
. . . . the hostile party retired." — Address of Capt. Churhs 
B. Richards in the Annals of Iowa (Third Series), Vol. Ill, p. 517. 

2V6 Duncombe's Spirit Lake Expedition in the Proceedings of the 



310 THE SPIRIT LAKE MASSACRE 

Pioneer Laivmakers' Association of Iowa for 1898, p. 45; Address 
of Capt. Charles B. Richards in the Annals of Iowa (Third Series), 
Vol. Ill, pp. 518, 519. 

277 Captain Richards is quoted as follows in Gue's History of 
Iowa, Vol. I, p. 318, concerning the attempt to cross at this point: 
— * ' The wind was now blowing a terrific gale and the cold was 
intense, so that our wet clothing was frozen stiff upon us ... . 
When help and material for a raft came, so strong and cold was the 
wind, and so swift the current, filled with floating ice, that all of 
our efforts to build a raft failed. It was now dark and still grow- 
ing colder, and the roar of the blinding storm so great that we 
could no longer hold communication with our companions on the 
other side. We were benumbed with cold, utterly exhausted, and 
three miles from the nearest cabin. We were powerless to aid our 
comrades, and could only try to save ourselves. It was a terrible 
walk in the face of the terrific blizzard, our clothes frozen, our feet 
freezing, and our strength gone." 

278 Address of Ex-Governor Carpenter in the Annals of Iowa 
(Third Series), Vol. Ill, pp. 486, 487. 

279 Hoover's The Tragedy of Okoboji in the Annals of Iowa 
(Third Series), Vol. V, p. 24. 

2S0 Fronlc E. Mason's Recollections in the Annals of loiva (Third 
Series), Vol. Ill, p. 535. 

281 Address of Ex-Governor Carpenter in the Annals of Iowa 
(Third Series), Vol. Ill, p. 487. 

282 Franlc B. Mason^s Recollections in the Annals of Iowa (Third 
Series), Vol. Ill, pp. 535, 536. 

2s?y Letter from Mrs. Collins in the Annals of Iowa (Third Series), 
Vol. Ill, p. 549. 

CHAPTER XXVI 

284 Republished article from the St. Paul Pioneer of May 31, 
1857, in the Hamilton Freeman (Webster City), July 13, 1857. 

285 Mrs. Sharp's History of the Spirit Lake Massacre (1902 edi- 
tion), p. 150. 

286 Mrs. Sharp's History of the Spirit Lake Massacre (1902 edi 
tion), pp. 151-156, 168. 



NOTES AND REFERENCES 311 

-S7 Mrs. Sharp's Eistory of the Spirit Lake Massacre (1902 edi- 
tion), pp. 168-171. This stone is more familiarly known in mineral- 
ogy as catlinite — being so named from George Catlin, the noted 
traveler, who first studied it. See Hodge's Handbook of American 
Indians, Vol. I, pp. 217-219. 

288 Mrs. Sharp's Eislory of the Spirit Lake Massacre (1902 edi- 
tion), pp. 152, 153. 

289 Mrs. Sharp's History of the Spirit Lake Massacre (1902 edi- 
tion), p. 172. 

290 Robinson's A History of the Dakota or Sioux Indians in the 
South Dakota Historical Collections, Vol. II, p. 237. 

29iGue's History of Iowa, Vol. I, p. 322; Mrs. Sharp's History 
of the Spirit Lake Massacre (1902 edition), p. 175. 

292Gue's History of loiva, Vol. I, p. 323; Eobinson's A History 
of the Dakota or Sioux Indians in the South Dakota Historical Col- 
lections, Vol. II, p. 237; Mrs. Sharp's History of the Spirit Lake 
Massacre (1902 edition), pp. 175, 176. 

293 Republished article from the St. Paul Pioneer, of May 31, 1857, 
in the Hamilton Freeman (Webster City), July 13, 1857. 

294 B. M. Smith and A. J. Hill's Map of the Ceded Part of Dakota 
Territory, 1861. 

CHAPTER XXVII 

295 The Ink-pa-du-ta Massacre of 1857 in the Collections of the 
Minnesota Historical Society, Vol. Ill, pp. 392-394; Robinson's A 
History of the Dakota or Sioux Indians in the South Dakota His- 
torical Collections, Vol. II, p. 238. 

296 Robinson 's A History of the Dakota or Sioux Indians in the 
South Dakota Historical Collections, Vol. II, p. 238. 

297 Robinson 's A History of the Dakota or Sioux Indians in the 
South Dakota Historical Collections, Vol. II, p. 238. 

298 Republished article from St. Paul Pioneer, of May 31, 1857, 
in the Hamilton Freeman (Webster City), July 13, 1857. 

299 Robinson 's A History of the Dakota or Sioux Indians in the 
South Dakota Historical Collections, Vol. II, pp. 238, 239. 



312 THE SPIRIT LAKE MASSACRE 

300 Eepublished article from St. Paul Pioneer, of May 31, 1857, in 
the Hamilton Freeman (Webster City), July 13, 1857. 

301 Flandrau 's The Ink-pa-du-ta Massacre of 1857 in the Collec- 
tions of the Minnesota Historical Society, Vol. Ill, p. 394. 

302 riandrau's The Ink-pa-du-ta Massacre of 1857 in the Collec- 
tions of the Minnesota Historical Society, Vol. Ill, jj. 395. 

303 The text of this bond appears in Flandrau 's Inl-pa-du-ta Mas- 
sacre of 1857 in the Collections of the Minnesota Historical Society, 
Vol. Ill, pp. 395, 396. 

CHAPTER XXVIII 

304 Ma-za-ku-ta-ma-ni was at this time the President of the Rev. 
Riggs' Hazelwood Republic. This Republic was a rather unique 
attempt at self-government upon the part of Christianized Indians 
of the Yellow Medicine Agency under the guidance of the Rev. Mr. 
Riggs. It was ' ' a respectable community of young men who had 
cut off their hair and exchanged the dress of the Dakotas for that 
of the white man .... They elected their president and other 
officers for two years, and were recognized by the Indian agent as a 
separate band of the Sioux." — Hubbard and Holeombe's Minnesota 
in Three Centuries, Vol. II, pp. 254-257. 

305 John Other Day won his title to fame in the annals of Minne- 
sota by the part he took in the terrible Sioux Massacre of 1862. 
Certainly nothing else is needed to prove the worth of a Christian 
Indian than this act of his. The whites and Christian Indian refu- 
gees were in deadly peril of massacre at the Yellow Medicine Agency 
when to ' ' John Other Day .... was entrusted the agency 
people and the refugees .... sixty-two souls in all, and as 
the .... revelry still came up from the stores on the bot- 
tom .... he moved off to the east with his white friends, 
crossed the Minnesota and skillfully covering the trail bore them 
away to safety .... without rest or delay he hurried back 
to the scene of the massacre to save more lives and assist in bringing 
the miscreants to justice." — Robinson's A History of the Dakota 
or Sioux Indians in the South Dakota Historical Collections Vol. II, 
pp. 278, 279. 

306 Flandrau 's The Ink-pa-du-ta Massacre of 1857 in the Collec- 
tions of the Minnesota Historical Society, Vol. Ill, p. 396. 



NOTES AND REFERENCES 313 

30' Mrs. Sharp's History of the Spirit Lake Massacre (1902 edi- 
tion), pp. 216-221, 224, 225. Mrs. Noble seems to have been killed 
in the southeastern corner of what is now Spink County, South 
Dakota. 

3osMrs. Sharp's Historn of the Spirit Lake Massacre (1902 edi- 
tion), pp. 231, 232. 

3"'J Mrs. Sharp's History of the Spirit Lake Massacre (1902 edi- 
tion), p. 236. 

310 Mrs. Sharp's History of the Spirit Lake Massacre (1902 edi- 
tion), pp. 238, 239. 

311 Mrs. Sharp's History of the Spirit Lake Massacre (1902 edi- 
tion), p. 241. See also Flandrau's The Ink-pa-du-ta Massacre of 
1857 in the Collections of the Minnesota Historical Society, Vol. Ill, 
p. 398. 

312 Lee's History of the Spirit Lake Massacre, p. 35. 

313 Lee's History of the Spirit Lake Massacre, p. 36. 

314 Mrs. Sharp's History of the Spirit Lake Massacre (1902 edi- 
tion), p. 249. 

Concerning this costume Mrs. Sharp has since remarked that ' ' the 
style and fit might not have been approved by Worth, but it was 
worth everything to me.. ' ' 

315 Flandrau's The Ink-pa-du-ta Massacre of 1S37 in the Collec- 
tions of the Minnesota Historical Society, Vol. Ill, p. 399. 

3i« Flandrau 's Tlbc Ink-pa-du-ta Massacre of 1S57 in the Collec- 
tions of tlie Minnesota Historical Society, Vol. Ill, p. 399. 

317 Mrs. Sharp's History of the Spirit Lake Massacre (19U2 edi- 
tion), p. 257. 

31S For these sjieeehes see Lee's History of the Spirit Lake 
Massacre, pp. 37-41; Mrs. Sharp's History of tJic Spirit Lake Mas- 
sacre (1902 edition), pp. 260-265. 

319 Lee's History of the Spirit Lake Massacre, p. 43. 

320 Mrs. Sharp's History of the Spirit Lake Massacre (1902 edi- 
tion), p. 268, 269; Lee's History of the Spirit Lake Massacre, p. 44. 



314 THE SPIRIT LAKE MASSACRE 

CHAPTEE XXIX 

321 Flandrau 's The hik-pa-du-ta Massacre of 1857 in the Collec- 
tions of the Minnesota Historical Society, Vol. Ill, p. 400. 

322 Flandrau 's Tlie Inlc-pa-du-ta Massacre of 1857 in the Collec- 
tions of the Minnesota Historical Society, Vol. Ill, p. 397. 

323 Lee 's History of the Spirit Lake Massacre, p. 42. 

324 Flandrau 's The Ink-pa-du-ta Massacre of 1857 in the Collec- 
tions of the Minnesota Historical Society, Vol. Ill, p. 401. 

325 Flandrau 's The Ink-pa-du-ta Massacre of 1857 in the Collec- 
tions of the Minnesota Historical Society, Vol. Ill, p. 401. 

326 Flandrau 's The Ink-pa-du-ta Massacre of 1857 in the Collec- 
tions of the Minnesota Historical Society, Vol. Ill, pp. 401, 402. 

327 House Executive Documents, 1st Session, 35th Congress, Vol. 
II, Pt. I, p. 367. 

328 House Executive Documents, 1st Session, 35th Congress, Vol. 
II, Pt. I, pp. 362, 363. 

^^^ House Executive Documents, 1st Session, 35th Congress, Vol. 
II, Pt. I, p. 368. 

330 House Executive Documents, 1st Session, 35th Congress, Vol. 

II, Pt. I, p. 368. 

331 Hubbard and Holcombe's Minnesota in Three Centuries, Vol. 

III, p. 254. 

332 House Executive Documents, 1st Session, 35th Congress, Vol. 
II, Pt. I, pp. 369, 370, 375. 

^^^ House Executive Documents, 1st Session, 35th Congress, Vol. 
II, Pt. I, pp. 373, 374, 375-379. 

334 House Executive Documents, 1st Session, 35th Congress, Vol. 
II, Pt. I, p. 398. 

335 This speech is one of the very few well-known oratorical efforts 
of a Siouan leader and as such it is here appended: "The soldiers 
have appointed me to speak for them. The man who killed white 
people did not belong to us, and we did not expect to be called to 
account for the people of another band. We have always tried to 
do as our Great Father tells us. One of our young men brought in 



NOTES AND REFER KNCES 315 

a captive woman. I went out and brought the other. The soldiers 
came up here, and our young men assisted to kill one of Ink-pa-du- 
tah's sons at this place. Then you (Superintendent Cullen) spoke 
about our soldiers going after the rest. Wakea Ska (White Lodge) 
said he would go, and the rest of us followed. The lower Indians 
did not get up the war party for you; it was our Indians, the 
Wahpaton and Sisiton. The soldiers here say that they were told 
by you that a thousand dollars would be paid for killing each of the 
murderers. Their Great Father does not expect to do these things 
witliout money, and I suppose that it is for that that the special 
agent is come up. We wish the men who went out paid for what they 
have done. Three men are killed as we know. I am not a chief 
among the Indians. The white people have declared me a chief, and 
I suppose I am able to do something. We have nothing to eat, and 
our families are hungry. If we go out again we must have some 
money before we go. This is what the soldiers have wished me to 
say .... All of us want our money now very much. We have 
never seen our Great Father, but have heard a great deal from him, 
and have always tried to do as he has told us. A man of another 
band has done wrong, and we are to suffer for it. Our old women 
and children are hungry for this. I have seen ten thousand dollars 
sent to pay for our going out. I wish the soldiers were paid for it. 
I suppose our Great Father has more money than this. ' ' — House 
Exeoutive Documents, 1st Session, 35th Congress, Vol. II, Pt. I, p. 399. 

336 Hubbard and Holcombe's Minnesota in Three Centuries. Vol. 
Ill, pp. 267, 268; South Dakota Historical Collections, Vol. II, pp. 
344, 345, Vol. VI, p. 226. 

337 Flandrau's The Inl-pa-du-ta Massacre of 1857 in the Collec- 
tions of the Minnesota Historical Society, Vol. Ill, pp. 402-404. 

338 Flandrau 's The Ink-pa-du-ta Massacre of 1857 in the Collec- 
tions of the Minnesota Historical Society, Vol. Ill, pp. 404-406. 

CHAPTER XXX 

339 Letter of Governor James W. Grimes to the Iowa Delegation 
in Congi-ess, January 3, 1855, in the Annals of loiva (Third Series), 
Vol. II, pp. 627-630; Letter of Governor James W. Grimes to Pres- 
ident Franklin Pierce in the Annals of loira (Third Series), Vol. 
Ill, pp. 135-137. 



316 THE SPIRIT LAKE MASSACRE 

340 United States Statutes at Large, Vol. II, Ch. 163, p. 363, 1st 
Session, 35th Congress, June 14, 1858. 

341 Copies of Claims Submitted in Auditor 's office, in the Public 
Archives, Des Moines, Iowa; Statement from tJie Office of the North- 
ern Superintendent of Indian Affairs, St. Paul, Minnesota, in the 
Public Archives, Des Moines, Iowa. 

342 Statement from Office of Northern Superintendent of Indian 
Affairs, St. Paul, Minnesota, in the Public Archives, Des Moines, 
Iowa. 

3*3. Letter to Governor Lowe from Superintendent \V. J. CuUen, 
August 12, 1859, in the Public Archives, Des Moines, Iowa. 

344 United States Statutes at Large, Vol. 12, Ch. 157, p. 58, 1st 
Session, 36th Congress, June 19, 1860. 

345 U7iited States Statutes at Large, Vol. 12, Ch. 163, p. 68, 1st 
Session, 36th Congress, June 21, 1860. 

340 United States Statutes at Large, Vol. 12, Ch. 72, p. 203, 2nd 
Session, 36th Congress, March 2, 1861. 

347 Laws of Iowa, 1860, pp. 26, 27. 

348 Laws of Iowa, 1860, pp. 36, 37. 

349 Claims and Vouchers Filed tvith Governor of Iowa in Auditor's 
Office, in the Public Archives, Des Moines, Iowa. 

As late as January, 1870, in his first biennial message to the legis- 
lature, Governor Merrill stated that the State had recently received 
from the Federal government the "sum of $18,117 to reimburse out- 
lay for the defense of the northern border of the State, subsequent 
to the massacre at Spirit Lake in 1857." — Shambaugh's Messages 
and Proclamations of the Governors of Iowa, Vol. Ill, p. 263. 

^^>o Annals of Iowa (Third Series), Vol. Ill, p. 481. 

351 A Worthy Tribute in the Fort Bodge Messenger, Vol. 23, No. 
39, August 18, 1887. 

352 A Worthy Tribute in the Fort Dodge Messenger, Vol. 23, No. 
39, August .18, 1887. 

353 s. F. 115 was introduced by Senator A. B. Funk of Spirit 
Lake, and H. F. 230 by Eepresentative J. G. Myerly of Estherville. 
Senator Funk's measure was later substituted in the House for the 



NOTES AND REFP^RENCES 317 

House measure, upon motion of Representative Myerly. — Senate 
Journal, 1894, pp. 85, 178, X>,5, 585, 697; House Journal, 1894, pp. 
124, 504, 577, 765.. 

35i Lau-s of Iowa, 1894, pp. 116, 117. 

^55 Ec port of the Oloboji and Spirit Lake Monument Commission 
in the Annals of Iowa (Third Series), Vol. Ill, pp. 552, 553. 

■■5'''> Smith's A History of Diclcinson County, lou-a, pp. 572, 574, 575. 
:i>' Smith's A History of Bicl-inson County, Iowa, p. 576. 

3ns Smith's A History of Dicl-iiison County, loxca, p. 579. 

It should also be noted that on April 9, 1913, there was approved 
a law which declared that ' ' on and after the passage of this act, the 
survivors of the Spirit Lake Relief Expedition of 1857 .... 
shall receive a monthly pension of $20.00 per month, during the life- 
time of each such survivor". — Laws of Iowa, 1913, p. 362. 

Under the provisions of this law there was paid out of the State 
treasury the sum of $2,189.33 for the biennial period ending June 30, 
1914, and $4,677.33 for the biennial period ending June 30, 1916. — 
Heport of the Treasurer of State, 1914, p. 21, 1916, p. 21. 

CHAPTER XXXI 

359 Mrs. Sharp's History of the Spirit Lake Massacre (1902 edi- 
tion), pp. 274-282, 340. 

3'i'i Judge Cliarles E. Flandrau in Tlie Inl-pa-du-ta Massacre of 
1857 in the Collections of the Minnesota Historical Society, Vol. 
Ill, p. 399, has this to say of Mrs. Marble after leaving St. Paul, 
Minnesota: "The bank [where her money had been placed] failed, 
and that was the end of Mrs. Marble so far as I know, except tliat 
I heard that she exhibited herself at the East, in the role of the 
rescued captive, and tlie very last information I had of her, was, 
that she went u]> in a balloon at New Orleans. I leave to future 
historians the solution of the problem, whether she ever came down 
again ? ' ' 

3G1 Smith's A History of Dickinso7i County, Iowa, p. 576. 



INDEX 



INDEX 



Addingfon, Jesse, 150, 167, 192, 200, 
204 

Adel, Indian battle near, 284 

Aldrich, Charles, memorial secured 
through efforts of, 263, 264; refer- 
ence to, 264, 266; agitation by, for 
monument at lakes, 264, 265; state- 
ment by, 301, 302 

Alexander, E. B., exi^edition sent out 
by, 128; desire of, to secure rescue 
of captives, 225, 226; plans of, for 
punislmient of Inkpaduta, 246 

Algona, first settlement near, 38; ref- 
erence to, 49, 65; Indian depreda- 
tions near, 282 ; Indian battle near, 
284 

Allegheny Mountains, 269 

Allotment of land, 9, 10 

American Fur Company, undue influ- 
ence of, 22, 24, 25 

Ammunition, demand of Indians for, 

Anderson, Thomas, 165 

Annuities, failure to fulfil promises 
concerning, 9, 10; payment of trad- 
ers out of, 15; sharing of Inkpa- 
duta in, 71; trouble over, 240, 241, 
248-251, 256; desire of Inkpaduta 
to share in, 254; reference to, 279, 
293 

An-pe-tu-tok-cha, ransom of Abbie 
Gardner by, 232-239; speech by, 
242, 243 ; expedition guided by, 
257 

Army, method of transportation in, 
247, 248 

Ash Hollow, massacre at, 4, 277, 278 

Ashland, 86 

Ashton (South Dakota), 235 



Bach Grove, 165, 309 

Baker, D. H., 167 

Bancroft, Indian depredations near, 

Barnes's Grove, 40 

Beaver, shooting of, 190; attempt of 
men to eat, 206, 207 

Beaver Creek, 170 

Bee, Barnard E., relief expedition 
under, 128-131; determination of, 
to make expedition, 131; activities 
of expedition under, 153-158; ref- 
erence to, 191; Abbie Gardner hon- 
ored by, 241; reason for failure of, 
to capture Inkpaduta, 247; service 
of, in Civil War, 298 

Bell, Abner, 93 

Benjamin, Hiram, 167 

Berkley, Granville, 36 

Bice, Orlando, 167 

BickneU, James, 39, 88; robbing of 
home of, 89 

Big Bend, 34 

Big Drift Wood Lake, 252 

Big Face, 74 

Big Island Grove, 122; relief exp)edi- 
tion at, 182, 183; evidence of In- 
dians at, 183 

Big Sioux River, 63, 65, 72, 73, 215, 
218, 220, 223, 226, 229, 233; dif- 
ficulty in crossing, 221 ; killing of 
Mrs. Thatcher while crossing, 221, 

Bissell. George R., 169, 188 

Black Buffalo, 135 

Black Eagle, 64 (see Wamdisapa) 

Black Hawk, defeat of, 6 

Blaine (Washington), 273 

Blizzard, 197, 198; experiences of 

321 



822 



INDEX 



members of burial detail during, 
199-202 ; experiences of members of 
relief expedition during, 208-211, 
310 

Blood revenge, practice of, among 
Sioux, 75-77 

"Bloody Run", 34, 35 

Blue Earth River, 41, 65, 66 

Blue River, 277 

Bonebright, 165 

Boone, 32 

Boone River, 31, 309; Lett's trading 
house on, 31, 32 

Boonesboro, 33 

Border Plains, news of massacre car- 
ried to, 163; reference to, 166 

Boyer River, 18; depredations along, 
68, 69 

Bradshaw, John. 57, 58, 134, 140, 
142, 149, 187, 189 

Brainard, James, 165 

Brewer family, 164 

Brizee, George W., 167, 206; mock 
court-martial of, 179 

Brown, James A., visit of Indians at 
cabin of, 86, 87 

Brown, Sam, 256, 257 

Brule Sioux Indians, campaign 
against, 277, 278 

Buena Vista County, alarm in, 22 ; 
settlement in, 40; Inkpaduta's band 
in, 87; reference to, 88; Indian 
depredations in, 282 

Buffalo, disappearance of, 10; refer- 
ence to, 235 

Bull Run, battle of, 298 

Burdens, size of, carried by captives, 
216, 217 

Burial detail, activities of, 192-205 

Burkholder, William E., 167, 192, 
197, 200, 214, 266; death of, by 
freezing, 204, 205; burial of body 
of, 309 

Burtch, Asa, 60, 61, 96, 180, 196, 
289, 305 

Byron (Minnesota), 272, 301 

Cabin, erection of, by Gardner, 51 
California, 35 
California trail. 21 



Call, Ambrose A., 38, 49 
Call, Asa C, 38, 49 
Callagan, Thomas, 166 
Calumets, making of, 219 

Camp fires, 171 

Campbell, Joseph, 252. 256, 257 

Canada, 70, 256, 290; flight of Ink- 
paduta to, 255 

Cannon River, 66 

Captives, treatment of, by Indians, 
119-121; experiences of among In- 
dians, 215-224; difficulty of, in 
crossing stream, 219, 220; plans 
for rescue of, 226, 245; sale of, 234 

Carpenter, Cyrus C, 180, 184, 264, 
265, 266, 267, 309; statement by, 
182, 210, 211 

Carse, Henry, 167, 192. 198; suffer- 
ings of, 201, 202, 203 

Carter, Richard, 167 

Carter, R. F., 167 

Carter family, 285 

Carver, David N., 58, 134, 140, 148, 
149; wounding of, 141 

Cassady, Sherman, 165 

Catlin, George, 311 

Cattle, shelter for, 51; killing of, 85, 
87, 101, 183 

Cavanagh, Michael, 167 

Cedar Falls, 39, 60, 89 

Cedar River, 18 

Center Grove Township, 46 

Centerville, 33 

Chatterton, Mr., 167 

Cheffins, Joseph B., 58, 138; news of 
massacre carried to agency by, 126, 
127 

Chemeuse, 33 

Cherokee, settlement near, 40; refer- 
ence to, 41, 85, 87 

Cherokee County, settlement in, 40; 
Inkpaduta's band in, 85 

Che-tan-maza, ransom of Abbie Gard- 
ner by, 232-239; reference to, 267 

Cheyenne River, 68 

Chippewa Indians, treaty with, 7; ref- 
erence to, 13, 24 

Christian Indians, ransom of Mrs. 
Marble by, 226-231; reference to, 
312 



INDEX 



Church, William L., 57. 177, 178, 
184, 187, 189. 273 

Chui-ch. Mrs. William L., 133, 156; 
Indian shot by, 141 

Churubusco. 177 

Civil War, service of Bee in, 298 

Clark. Robert, 60, 61, 100, 101, 118. 
289; attempt of, to warn settlers. 
100; burial of bodj- of, 195 

Clarke. Newman S.. 18 

Clay County, settlements in, 39, 40 ; 
Inkpaduta's band in, 88-93 

Clear Lake, Grindstone War near. 26- 
28; Gardner at, 48. 49; Indian 
battle near, 284 

Cloudman, statement by, 10 

Collins. Mrs. Elwood, statement by, 
212, 213 

Columbus (Ohio). 244 

Commissary. 169 

Commissioner of Indian Affairs, 20 

Company A (Relief Expedition), offi- 
cers of. 166; members of. 167; 
mock court-martial by. 179; re- 
cruits for. ISO; night camp of, 182 

Company B (Relief Expedition), offi- 
cers of, 166; members of, 167; dis- 
charge of members of, 178; recruits 
for, 180 

Company C (Relief Expedition), offi- 
cers and members of. 165; recruits 
for. 178; celebration by, 179; me- 
morial to. at Webster City. 263. 
264; reference to, 309 

Congress, appeal to Iowa delegation 
in, 20; appropriations by, for relief 
of Spirit Lake sufferers. 260-263 

Conlan. Patrick. 165 

Connecticut, 47 

Conrad. Julius, 167 

Corn, picking of, by Indians, 78, 79 

Correctionville, 41 ; Inkpaduta's band 
at, 84, 85 

Corsau, Mr. 213 

Coursalle, Mr., infoi-mation given by, 
153, 154; service of, as guide, 154- 
156; reference to, 158, 215, 300 

Coursalle, Mrs. 156 

Coursalle's Grove, 153 

Coursalle's trading post, 136 



Court-martial, 179 

Courts, inability of Indiims to sue in, 
14 

Crawford, L. D., 167 

Credit, giving of, to Indians, 25 

Crouse, A. E., 167 

Crow Wing (Minnesota). 279 

Cullen, W. J., statement by, 15, 16; 
efforts of, to secure expedition of 
Indians, 248-252; difficulties of, 
with Indians, 253, 254; reference 
to. 261 

Custer massacre, Tnkpaduta at, 255 

Cylinder Creek. 61, 179, 198, 209, 
210, 214; rise in, 207; camp on, 
210, 211; breaking up of expedi- 
tion after crossing, 211 

Dakota City, march of relief expedi- 
tion to, 172, 173; reference to, 174, 
176, 179; Indian depredations at. 
282 

Dakota River, 63, 234 

Dakota Territory, sufferings of In- 
dians in, 43, 67, 73, 82, 219, 245. 
248. 291 

Dallas County, 285 

Dalley, Henry E., 165, 192, 202, 203, 
307 

Darke County (Ohio), 229 

Dawson, J. W., 167 

Debts, payment of, to traders. 14-16 

Defense, preparations for, at Spring- 
field, 132-137 

De Fore, William. 167 

De Foe. William A.. 167, 184, 192 

Delaware County, 54 

Des Moines, 36, 265 

Des Moines City, 56 

Des Moines River, 17, 19, 29, 30, 31, 
32, 34. 37. 41. 56. 63. 68, 73, 122, 
124, 129, 132. 139. 153. 161, 179, 
181, 183, 185, 193, 198, 202, 205; 
settlements along, 38, 39; march of 
relief expedition up, 172 

Des Moines Valley, 35, 160, 179; .set- 
tlements in, 39 

Dickerson, -lames, trouble of, with In- 
dians, 27 

Dickerson. Mrs. James, 27 



324 



INDEX 



Dickinson County, early visitors in, 

44; reference to, 229 
Dog, eating of, by Indians, 217, 237, 

238 
Dragoon Trail, 180 
Dry Wood, 290 
Dubuque, 17, 30, 244 
Duncombe, John F., 166, 171, 174, 

176, 188, 190, 208, 264, 265; 

laudanum taken by, 176, 177 
Dungan, Warren S., 268 

Earth Lodges, 234 

East Okoboji Lake, 46, 161 

Eastman, Charles, 255 

Edyington (Ohio), 48 

Elk, hunting of, by Indians, 79 

Elk Rapids, 33 

Emmet, 41 

Emmet County, 39, 122 

Emmetsburg, beginning of, 38, 39, 

181 
End of the Snake, captives purchased 

by, 234 
Erie, John 165 
Estherville, 41 
Europe, 4 

Evans, Jeremiah, 177, 178 
Exile, method of becoming, 291 

Farney, John, 167 
Fenton, Charles T., 164, 263 
Fire, method of starting, 202, 203 
Fire Cloud, 74; killing of, 253 
Flandrau, Charles E., news of mas- 
sacre carried to Fort Ridgely by, 
128; account of expedition by, 130, 
131; activities of, upon receipt of 
news of massacre, 225, 226; refer- 
ence to, 229, 242, 243, 259, 267, 
317; Indians paid by, for ransom 
of Mrs. Marble, 230, 231; efforts 
of, to secure release of captives, 
232, 233; Mrs. Marble taken to St. 
Paul by, 239, 240; payment of In- 
dians secured by, 245 ; pajnnent of 
bond issued by, 245, 246; plans of, 
for punishment of Inkpaduta, 246; 
investigation and report by, 247, 
248; expedition against Indians 
raised by, 256-259 



Flandrau (South Dakota), 220, 224 

Florida, 247 

Flour, demand of Indians for, 102; 
confiscation of, 180 

Food, journey east to secure, 59-61; 
giving of, to Indians, 97, 98, 116; 
lack of, among Indians, 217, 218 

Ford, William N., 167, 192 

Fort Clarke, establishment of, 17; 
change of name of, 281 

Fort Dodge (military post), establish 
ment of, 17, 280, 281; reference 
to, 18, 19; abandonment of, 18 
naming of, 281 

Fort Dodge (town), alarm near, 20 
reference to, 28, 30, 31, 33, 34, 37 
39, 59, 99, 102, 125, 151, 159, 
160, 178, 180, 184, 189, 196, 211, 
215, 244, 266, 272, 295, 301, 305, 
309; company raised at, 35; settle 
ments northwest of, 38; news of 
depredations taken to, 92, 93 ; at 
tempt to organize relief party at, 
93 ; plan of Gardner to make trip 
to, 96, 97; news of massacre car- 
ried to, 124; organization of relief 
expedition at, 159-169; arrival of 
Howe and Wheelock at, 162; ar- 
rival of Webster City company at, 
164, 165; departure of relief ex- 
pedition from, 170; return of part 
of men to, 199; return of members 
of relief expedition to, 213, 214 

Fort Kearney, 277 

Fort Laramie, 21, 277 

Fort Leavenworth, 277 

Fort Pierre, 82, 277 

Fort Randall, 18 

Fort Ridgely, establishment of, 18; 
reference to, 35, 72, 130, 138, 139, 
143, 147, 158, 178, 179, 225, 241, 
242, 246, 249, 256; news of mas- 
sacre carried to, 122-127; sending 
of relief expedition from, 128-131; 
arrival of relief expedition from, 
153-158 

Fort Snelling, 17, 18, 280, 281 

Fort Wayne (Indiana), 272 

Franklin County, 54 

Freeborn, William, 39 

Fremont, John C, 45 



INDEX 



325 



Frontier, advance of, 1-8 ; disrep- 
utable elements on, 11, 23; failure 
of government to protect, 12 ; lack 
of protection on, 17-25; settle- 
ments on, in 1857, 37-41; winter of 
1856-1857 on, 42, 43; plan for at- 
tacks on, 69, 74 ; efforts to secure 
protection of, 260; tribute to ser- 
vices of pioneers on, 268 ; disap- 
pearance of, 269 

Frost, Nathaniel, 58, 153; trip of, to 
Slocum's farm, 135 

Fuller House, 240, 242 

Funk, A. B., 265, 316 

Funk family, 164 

Gaboo, Joe, 153, 156, 300 

Galbraith, Agent, 254 

"Galena" (steamboat), 244 

Gales, John, 167 

Game, disappearance of, 10, 11, 42 

Gar Lake, 160 

Gardner, Abbie, 47, 103, 113, 121, 
228, 234, 245, 246, 267; taking of, 
as captive, 103, 104; early experi- 
ences of, in captivity. 111, 112; 
burden borne by, 216, 217; attitude 
of, toward captivity, 220; history of 
ransom of, 232-244; price paid for 
ransom of, 237; journey of, from 
Yellow Medicine to St. Paul, 240- 
242 ; ceremony in honor of, 242 
243 ; war bonnet presented to, 243 ; 
return of, to friends in Iowa, 244 ; 
marriage of, 270 (see Sharp, Mrs. 
Abbie Gardner) 

Gardner, Eliza, 47, 57, 121, 133, 195, 
244, 270 

Gardner, Francis M., 118 

Gardner, Mary, 47; marriage of, 50 

Gardner, Rowland, migrations of, 47- 
50; arrival of, at Lake Okoboji, 50: 
settlement of, at Lake Okoboji, 50- 
53; reference to, 57, 118, 133; 
camp of Indians near cabin of, 95, 
96; plan of, for trip to Fort Dodge, 
96, 97; first visit of Indians to 
cabin of, 97, 98; fears of, 99, 100; 
killing of cattle of, 101 ; suspense 
in cabin of, 101 ; desire of, to re- 
sist Indians, 102; massacre at 



cabin of, 102-104; pillaging of 
cabin of, 104; discovery of mas- 
sacre at cabin of, 123; burial of 
victims of massacre at cabin of, 
195; burial party at cabin of, 195, 
196; monument near cabin of, 266; 
preempting of claim of, 270 

Gardner, Rowland, Jr., 47, 118; kill- 
ing of, 103 

Gardner, Mrs. Rowland, 51, 97; un- 
willingness of, to resist Indians, 
102; effort of, to prevent murder, 
102; killing of, 103 

Gates, Emery W., 165, 171, 213; 
meal cooked by, 179 

Gates, John, 165 

Gens, meaning of, 290 

Gillespie, Mrs., 273 

Gillett brothers, visit of Indians to, 
91, 92; Indian killed by, 92; flight 
of, 92 

Gillett, Mrs. 92 

Gillett's Grove, settlement at, 39; ref- 
erence to, 41, 53, 94, 113; Ink- 
paduta's band at, 91, 92 

Goodenough, Lee, 194, 307 

Governor, 262, 263, 265 

Government (see United States gov- 
ernment) 

Granger, Carl, settlement of, at Lake 
Okoboji, 52, 53; reference to, 105, 
118; killing of, 107; burial of body 
of, 195 

Granger, George, settlement of, 39; 
journey of, to Springfield, 124, 
125; reference to, 132, 135, 150 

Granger, William, settlement of, at 
Lake Okoboji, 52, 53 

Granger's Point, news of massacre 
carried to, 124; reference to, 150, 
151, 152, 158, 160, 189, 196, 206; 
march of relief expedition to, 182- 
191; arrival of relief expedition at, 
190, 191 ; return of men to, 198 

Gray Foot, ransom of Mrs. Marble by, 
226-231 

Great American Desert, 269 

Green, Johnny, 33 

Greenwood (New York), 47 

Griffith, Josiah, 165 

Grimes, James W., 19, 162, 168, 282 



826 



INDEX 



295; efforts of, to seciire frontier 
protection, 20; refusal of, to call 
out militia, 21; letter to Pierce 
from, 21, 22 
Grindstone War, events of, 26-28; 

reference to, 49 
Gun-caps, giving of, to Indians, 98 
Guns, taking of, from Indians, 80; 
re-taking of, by Indians, 82 

Hamilton County, 36, 265, 286; me- 
morial in court house of, 263, 264 
Hammond, Robert, treatment of, by 

Indians, 84 
Hampton, 54, 55, 60, 110, 244, 270, 

272 
Harney, General, campaign of, 4, 82 ; 
attitude of Sioux toward, 82 ; mas- 
sacre of Indians by troops under, 
277, 278 
Harriott, Isaac H., settlement of, at 
Lake Okoboji, 52, 53 ; reference to, 
98, 99, 105, 118; killing of, 106, 
107; burial of body of, 195 

Harrison County, alarm in, 20, 22 

Harshman, Joseph, 55, 105, 118; 
killing of, 106, 107 

Harslmian, Mr., 57, 58 

Hathaway, A. Newton, 165, 184, 212, 
213 

Hay, making of, 51 

Hazelwood Republic, 312 

Hefley, John, 167 

Hempstead, Stephen, 19, 28 

Henderson, John, 58, 134, 142, 145, 
158, 302; abandonment of, 152 

Heron Lake, journey of Inkpaduta's 
band to, 113-121; arrival of In- 
dians at, 120; reference to, 131, 
139, 145, 146, 216, 218; journey 
of expedition to. 154, 155 

Hewett, Mr. 26 

Hickey, James, 165 

Hillock, Humphrey C, 165 

His Great Gun, 74 

Hogs, killing of, 85, 87 

Holcombe, Mr., statement by, 255 

Homer, inquest at, 35, 36; news of 
massacre carried to, 163; refer- 
ence to, 166, 286 

Hood, Andrew, 180 



Hoover, Harris, 165, 209 
Horses, killing of, 85 ; use of, by In- 
dians, 113, 114; treatment of, by 
Indians, 218 

Howe, Alfred, 118, 296 

Howe, Jacob, 111, 118, 296; burial 
of body of, 194 

Howe, Joel, settlement of, at Lake 
Okoboji, 54, 55; reference to, 60, 
118; killing of, 109; massacre at 
cabin of, 109, 110; discovery of 
massacre at cabin of, 123, 161; 
burial of victims of massacre at 
cabin of, 193, 194; burial of body 
of, 194; finding of body of, 307, 
308 

Howe, Mrs. Joel, 108; killing of, 109 

Howe, Jonathan, 54, 60, 61, 118, 
289, 296 

Howe, Millie, 118 

Howe, Orlando C, visit of, to lake 
region, 159, 160; return of, to Jas- 
per County, 160; second trip of. to 
lakes, 160, 161; massacre discov- 
ered by, 160, 161; news taken to 
Tort Dodge by, 161, 162; reference 
to, 167, 192, 196, 297 

Howe, Philetus, 118, 296 

Howe. Sardis, 118, 296 

Howell, D. F., 167 

Howland, M. W.. 165, 209 

Hughes, Thomas, 280 

Hiimboldt County, alarm in, 22; 
Lott's cabin in, 34; Indian depre- 
dations in, 282 

Illinois, 181 

Indian agent, activities of, in behalf 
of captives, 225, 226, 229, 230, 
231 

Indian agents, lack of power on part 
of, 13, 24 

Indians, attitude of, toward whites, 
2, 3; refusal of, to work, 3, 4; 
military expeditions against, 4 ; 
title to Iowa soil ceded by, 5-8 ; 
wrongs done to, 9-16; criminals 
among, 12; liquor traffic among, 
13; power of traders over, 13-16, 
24, 25; reasons for resentment of, 
22-25; outlaw band of, 29, 63-71; 



INDEX 



)Zi 



fiH'linfr of, after nmrder of Sidomi- 
iiadota, 36; attitude of, toward ad- 
vancing frontier, 37, 38; sufferings 
of, during winter of 1856-1857, 
43 ; feeding of, by settlers, 61, 62 ; 
treatment of captives by, 112, 119- 
121, 215-224; preparations for de- 
fense against, 132-137; attack on 
Springfield by, 138-146; flight of 
settlers from, 147-152; nearness of 
troops to camp of, 156, 157; evi- 
dence of presence of, 183; fugitives 
mistaken for, 185, 186; guard 
against surprise by, 189; attitude 
of, toward pipestone quarry, 218, 
219; trouble with, over annuities, 
240. 241, 248-251; plan for cam- 
paign against, 246; disappearance 
of, 269, 270; depredations by, 
282; effect of whiskey on, 283; 
record of massacre made by, 297 
(see also Sioux Indians, Sac and 
Fox Indians, etc.) 
Inkpaduta, 18, 131, 160, 183; de- 
scription of band under, 63-71; ex- 
]iulsion of, from gens, 63, 64; am- 
bitions of, 66, 71 ; murders by, 66, 
67; evil reputation of, 67, 68; dei> 
redations by band under, 68, 69 ; 
disintegration of band under, 69, 
70; description of, 69, 70; char- 
acter of, 70, 71 ; plan of, to secure 
revenge, 72-77; movements of band 
under, 72-74; members of band 
under, 73, 74; reasons for desire 
of, for revenge, 74-77; relations 
between Sidominadota and, 75, 76: 
actions of band under, at Smith- 
land, 78-83 ; depredations by, be- 
tween Smitliland and Lake Oko- 
bo.ii, 84-93; first day of massacre 
by band under, 94-107; second 
day of massacre by band under, 
108-112; massacre of Marble by 
Indians under, 113-118; activities 
of Indians under, at Heron Lake, 
120, 121; attack on Springfield by, 
138-146; pursuit of, by Captain 
Bee, 154-157; nearness of troops 
to Indians under, 156, 157; pur- 
suit of, abandoned, 157, 158; 



treatment of captives by Indians 
under, 215-224; plans for rescue of 
captives held by, 226; ransom of 
Mrs. Marble from band under, 226- 
231; moving of camp by, 233, 
2;!4; sale of captives by, 234; ef- 
forts to punish, 245-259; pur.suit 
of, by Indians, 252, 253; killing of 
son of, 253, 258; defection in band 
under, 253; end of efforts to pun- 
ish, 254; later life of, 254-256; 
death of, 256; last expedition 
against Indians under, 256-259 ; 
appropriations for exjieditions 
against, 260-263; explanation of 
condition of Indians under, 290; 
exile of, 291 ; number of Indians 
under. 293 
Iowa, attitude of Indians toward, 3; 
extinguishment of Indian title to 
soil of, 5-8; lack of frontier pro- 
tection in, 17-25; winter of 1856- 
1857 in, 42, 43; reference to, 43, 

67, 256, 278; Inkpaduta's band in, 

68, 69; return of Abbie Gardner 
to, 244 ; memorial tributes of, to 
persons involved in massacre, 260- 
268; amount received by, for 
Spirit Lake Relief Expedition, 261- 
263 ; appropriation by legislature 
of, 262 ; Indian warfare in. 284 

Iowa City. 41 

Iowa Indians, removal of, from Iowa. 

6 ; murder of, by Sioux, 290 
Iowa River, 281 
Irish Colony, 38, 61, 180, 193, 196, 

198, 201, 206, 207, 210, 309; 

march of relief expedition to, 180; 

relief exisedition at, 181; refugees 

sent to. 189; reaching of, by burial 

party, 203. 204 
Ishtahabah, 284 

Jackson, Frank D., 265 

Jackson, Thomas E., sobriquet of, 298 

Jackson (Minnesota), 37. 266; set- 
tlement at, 38 

Jacques River (see James River) 

Jagmani, 279 

James River, 63, 215, 234. 235. 238; 
rendezvous of Indians on, 65 



328 



INDEX 



Jasper County, 159, 160 

John Other Day, ransom of Abbie 
Gardner by, 232-239; expedition 
guided by, 257; services of, at time 
of massacre of 1862, 312 

Johns, Jolin, 35 

Johnson, Albert S., 167, 184 

Johnson, John C, 165, 192, 194, 
200, 214, 266, 307, 309; enlist- 
ment of, 165, 166; burial detaU 
commanded by, 192; division in 
party under, 196, 197; sufferings 
of party under command of, 199- 
205; efforts to find, 204; death of, 
by freezing, 204, 205 

Johnston, Albert Sidney, 246 

Joshpadutn, stoi-y concerning, 285, 
286 

Kane County (Illinois), 38 

Kanesville, 40 

Kansas, 82 

Kasominee, 284 

Kellogg, Elias D., 165, 192, 202, 203 

Kirchner, Christian, 93 

Kirchner, J. A., 39, 40 

Kirchner, Jacob, 39, 40, 88; ill-treat- 
ment of family of, by Indians, 89 

Koons, William N., 166 

Kossuth County, alami in, 22; In- 
dian depredations in, 282 

Knoxville, 194 

Lac D'Esprit, 44 

Lac qui Parle, 229 

La Framboise, Joseph, 130, 154, 155, 
215 

Lake Benton, 254 

Lake Herman, 233 

Lake Madison, 224, 233, 234. 236 

Lake M'da Chan-Pta-Ya Tonka, 224 

Lake Okoboji, attitude of Indians 
toward, 1; settlement at, 39; refer- 
ence to, 41, 88, 137, 142; early 
visitors at, 44 ; early accounts of, 
44, 45; description of, 46, 47; ar- 
rival of Gardner at, 47, 50; settle- 
ment on shores of, 50-56; first day 
of massacre at, 94-107; second day 
of massacre at, 108-112; visit of 
Howe to, 159, 160; monument at, 
266-268 



Lake with a Grove of Big Trees, 224 

Lakeville Township, 46 

Ijand, cession of, by Indians, 4-8; al- 
lotment of, to Indians, 9, 10 

Land ofiiee, 38 

Larrabee, William, 264 

Lauglilin, William K., 165, 184, IS'., 
192, 200, 201, 264; men kept 
awake by, 201, 202; fire started 
by, 202, 203 ; crossing of river ef- 
fected by, 203, 204 

Laut, Agnes C, 302 

Lebourveau, Mr., 86 

Lee, L. P., Abbie Gardner escorted 
by, 244 

Leonard, A. S., 165 

Lewis and Clark expedition, 44 

Lime Creek, 27, 28, 48 

Ijinn, James, 166 

Linn County, 55, 229 

Liquor- dealers, activities of, among 
Indians, 13 

Tattle Big Horn, battle of, 70, 255 

Little Crow, disturbance quieted by, 
251 ; placing of, in command of 
expedition, 251, 252; exi)edition 
under, 252, 233; uprising under, 
254, 255 

I-ittle Paul, ransom of Abbie Gard- 
ner by, 232-239 

Little Rock River, 130 

Little Sioux River, 1, 30, 38, 46, 73, 
78, 82, 84, 85, 87, 90, 91, 93, 95, 
293; settlements along, 39, 40 

Little Thunder, 277 

Live stock, killing of, 85 

Lizard Creek, 35, 38, 40, 284; set- 
tlements along, 39 

Loon Lake, 72, 160 

Long, Steve, 240 

Ijong, Mrs. Steve, 240 

Lost Island Lake, 113 

Lett, Henry, character of, 31; whis- 
key traffic carried on by, 31, 32; 
attack of Indians upon, 32, 33; 
murder of Sidominadota by, 34-36: 
reference to, 68 ; location of cabin 
of, 285 

Lott, Mrs. Henry, 285 

Lott, Milton, death of, 33; marker on 
grave of, 285 



INDEX 



329 



Lotfs Creek, 34, 211, 21'J 

Luce, Albert, 50, 118 

Luce, Amanda, 50, 118 

Luce, Harvey, 48, 61, 97, 100, 101, 
108, 118, 122, 180; family of, 50; 
settlement of, at Lake Okoboji, 50-- 
53 ; journey of, east for supplies, 
59-61 ; return of, to Lake Okoboji, 
96; attempt of, to warn settlers, 
100; killing of cattle of, 101; 
burial of body of, 195 

Luce, Mrs. Harvey, 51, 97; effort of, 
to prevent murder, 102 ; killing of, 
103 

Luce, Mary M., 118 

Luce children, killing of, 103 

McBane, Angus, 180, 309 

McCarty, Michael, 167 

McCauley, William, 167 

McCleary, George W., 20, 282 

McClure, G. F., 167 

McCormick, Robert, 167, 180, 192, 
200 

McFarland, John N., 167 

McGowan, Eliza Gardner, 272 

McKnight's Point, 171, 174, 175; re- 
lief expedition at, 176-179; depart- 
\ire of relief expedition from, 179 

McMurray, Mayor, 264 

McNab, John, 158 

Madelia (Minnesota), 130 

Madison, Robert, 54, 118; killing of, 
106, 107 

Madison (South Dakota), 224 

Madison Grove, Indians at, 113 

Madrid, 285 

Madrid Historical Society, 285 

Mahan, E., 167 

Maher, Michael, 167 

Ma-kpe-ya-ka-ho-ton, ransom of Mrs. 
Marble by, 226-231 

Mak-pi-a-pe-ta, killing of, 253 

Malcolm, A. S., 167 

Manitoba, Inkpaduta in, 255 

Mankato (Minnesota), 41, 56, 129 

Marble, William, settlement of, at 
Spirit Lake, 55; massacre of, 113- 
118, 296; taking of money from 
body of, 117; reference to, 118; 
visit of Markham and Palmer to 



cabin of, 137; burial of body of, 
158; preempting of claim of, 270 

Jlarble, Mrs. William, 115, 116, 156, 
222, 223, 233, 234, 242, 245, 246; 
taking of, as captive, 117; burden 
borne by, 216; attitude of, toward 
captivity, 220; history of ransom 
of, 225-231; information secured 
from, 232 ; reception of, at St. 
Paul, 239, 240; later life of, 271, 
317 

iNlarion County, 31 

Markham, Morris, 55, 132, 134, 135, 
140, 142, 147, 148, 149, 189; dis- 
covery of massacre by, 122-124; 
news carried to Springfield by, 124, 
125; dotibt concerning story of, 
136; proof of .story of, 136, 137; 
oxen secured by, 148, 149 

Marsh, James M., attack on, 17. 30, 
31 

Marshalltown, 272 

Massacre of 1862, services of John 
Other Day during, 312 

Mason, B. S., 164 

Mason, Frank R., 165, 184, 185, 187, 
188; experiences of party guided 
by, 211-213 

Mason, Solon, 166, 208, 209 

Mason City, 27, 48, 49, 272 

Masonic Grove, 27 

Ma-to-wa-ken, 238, 243 

Mattock, Agnes, 118 

Mattock, Alice, 118 

Mattock, Daniel, 118 

Mattock, Jackson A., 118 

Mattock, Jacob M., 118 

Mattock, James H., settlement of, at 
Lake Okoboji, 53, 54 ; camp of In- 
dians near cabin of, 95, 96; refer- 
ence to, 99, 118, 123; plan to con- 
centrate at cabin of, 100; failure 
of warning to reach, 101 ; massacre 
at cabin of, 105-107, 295; killing 
of, 106, 107; burning of cabin of, 
106; discovery of massacre at 
cabin of, 161; burial of victims of 
massacre at cabin of, 194. 195 

Mattock, Mrs. James H., killing of, 
106, 107 

Mattock, Mary M., 118 



:m) 



INDEX 



Mattock children, killing of, 106 

Mattock's Grove, 54 

MaxAvell, J. D., 163 

Maxwell, John N., 165, 175, 176, 184, 

185, 192, 194, 200, 202, 264, 307; 

effort of, to secure aid, 176, 177; 

men kept awake by, 201, 202 ; 

crossing of river effected by, 203, 

204 
Ma-za-ku-ta-ma-ni, speech by, 242, 

243, 253, 254; reference to, 269, 

312 
Mdewakanton Sioux Indians, treaty 

made by, 7, 8; council with, 249 
Mead, Ambrose S., 39, 40, 88, 93; ill 

treatment of family of, by Indians, 

89, 90 
Mead, Mrs. Ambrose S., 89; captivity 

of, 90 
:\read, Emma, 90 
Mead, Hattie, 90 
Medary, Governor, 240, 245; speech 

by, 242, 243; Abbie Gardner es- 
corted by, 244 
Medium Lake, settlement at, 38, 181; 

march of relief expedition to, 170- 

181; relief expedition at, 181; de- 
parture of relief expedition from, 

182; reference to, 183, 193, 207, 

209 
Mendota (Minnesota), treaty made at, 

7, 8, 15, 19; annuities under 

treaty of, 248 
Merrill, Governor, 316 
Mexican War, 177 
Michigan, 229 

Milford (Massachusetts), 86 
Milford Colony, 40; Inkpaduta"s band 

at, 85, 86 
Milford Emigration Company, 40 
Military administration, attitude of 

Flandrau toward, 247 
Military campaigns, purpose of, 4 
Militia, refusal of Grimes to call out, 

21 
Militia company, organization of, at 

Smithland, 80, 81 
Miller, William, 34 
Minnesota, 18, 37. 41. 43, 46, 56, 

65, 67, 70, 218, 245, 247, 248, 

251, 278, 312; Inkpaduta's band 



in, 68 ; excitement in, at news of 
massacre, 225; efforts of, to punish 
Indians, 260; reimbursement of, by 
Federal government, 261-263 

Minnesota River, 7, 18, 29, 40, 128, 
129, 242, 278, 312 

Minnetonka, 45 

Minnewaukon, 45 

Mississippi River, 256 

Mississippi Valley, 21; changes in, 
269, 270 

Missouri River, 6, 18, 21, 40, 68, 
154, 234, 236, 255 

Monona County, alann in, 20, 22 

Montana, 255 

Monument, agitation for, 264, 265 ; 
law providing for, 265; commis- 
sion to secure erection of, 265, 266; 
erection of, 266; dedication of, 
267, 268 

Moody, F. R., 165 

Moon, A., 164 

Mormons, 40; expedition against, 246 

Morrissey, Daniel, 167 

;Mud Creek, crossing of, 200 

Mud Lake, 182, 206; Indian battle 
at, 284 . 

Murray, Jonas, 167, 204; party 
guided by, 200 

■Murray County (Minnesota), 68 

]\rurry, Alexander, relief expedition 
under, 128-131; reference to, 154, 
156, 157, 215, 256, 258; activities 
of troops under, 158; gift of, to 
Abbie Gardner, 241, 242 

IMusquakie Indians, 33; warfare be- 
tween Sioux and, 284 (see also Sac 
and Fox Indians) 

Myerly, J. G., 316, 317 

Nebraska, 21, 82 
Nelson, William. 58, 134, 153 
Nelson, Mrs. William, 134, 152 
Neutral Ground, establishment and 

disposal of, 5, 6 
New England, lakes in, 47 
New Haven (Connecticut), 47 
New Orleans, 317 
New York, 39, 50; lakes in, 47 
Newton, 159 
Nicollet, J. N., map made by, 45 



INDEX 



881 



Xo})le, Alvin, soUleiiient of, at Lake 
Okoboji, 54, 55 ; massacre at cabin 
of, 110, 111; reference to, 118, 
122; discovery of massacre at cabin 
of, 123, 124, 161; burial of vic- 
tims of massacre at cabin of, 193 

Noble, Mrs. Alvin, taking of, as cap- 
tive, 111; early experience of, in 
captivity, 111, 112; reference to, 
113, 117, 194, 222, 237, 246, 258, 
296; attitude of, toward captivity, 
220, 223 ; attempt at ransom of, 
228; death of, 234, 235, 313 

Noble, John, 118 

Nolan, John, 165 

Nora Springs, 28, 48 

North Platte River, 277 

Northwestern frontier, efforts to se- 
cure protection of, 260 

Northwestern Iowa, character of, 41, 
42 

Nowland, John, 165 

O'Brien County, first settler in, 40; 
Inkpaduta"s band in, 87, 88 ; refer- 
ence to, 88 

Oglala Sioux Indians, campaign 
against, 277, 278 

Ohio, 31 ; Gardner in, 48 

Okeson, Daniel, 167; discharge of, 
178 

Okoboji, Lake (see Lake Okoboji) 

Okoboji South Beach Company, 266 

O'Laughlin, John, 167; discharge of, 
178 

Old Man, 74 

Omaha Indians, 20, 81 

Onawa, 86 

Oregon trail, 21 

Other Day (see John Other Day) 

Oto Indians, 20 

Ottawa Indians, treaty with, 7 

Oxen, difficulty of transportation by 
means of, 170, 173, 174 

Palmer, Jareb, 58, 132, 142, 149, 
189, 267; trip of, to Slocum's farm, 
135: journey of, to lakes, 136, 137; 
aid secured by, 150 

Palo Alto County, alarm in, 22; ref- 
erence to, 61 



Parkhurst, Lemuel, cabin of, visited 
by Indians, 86 

Parkhurst, Mrs. Lemuel, 86 

Parmenter, B. F., visit of, to hike 
region, 159, 160; return of, to 
Jasper County, 160; second trip of, 
to lakes, 160, 161; massacre dis- 
covered by, 160, 161; oxen left in 
charge of, 161, 162; reference to, 
367, 192, 196 

Paul Ma-za-ku-ta-ma-ni, ransom of 
Abbie Gardner by, 232-239 

Pea, Henry, 32 

Pea's Point, 32; relief party from, 33 

Pemberton, J. C, 165 

Pennsylvania, 31, 309 

Pension, 317 

Peterson, settlement near, 39; refer- 
ence to, 41; Inkpaduta's band at, 
88-91 

Peterson Granite Company, 266 

Phips, Mr., 229 

Pierce, Franklin, 21 

Pillsbury's Point, Gardner cabin on, 
51, 271 

Pilot Rock, settlement near, 40; Ink- 
paduta's band at, 85 

Pioneers, attitude of Indians toward, 
11, 12; tribute to memory of, 268 

Pipestone quariy, Inkpaduta's band 
at, 218; attitude of Indians toward, 
218, 219 

Pollock, William P., 180 

Porter, W. F., 167 

Pottawattamie Indians, treaty with, 
6, 7; reference to, 33 

Powder, demand of Indians for. 98 

Prairie, difficulty of travel on. 173; 
hardships of camping on, 175. 176; 
flooding of, by rain, 207; blizzard 
on, 210 

Prairie du Chien, treaties made at, 5; 
violation of treaties made at. 64 ; 
reference to, 290 

Prescott, J. S., 270 

Prescott, Philander, 130 

President of United States, 20 

Provisions, securing of, 164 

Putting on Walking, 74 

Quartermaster, 169 



332 



INDEX 



Raccoon River, 90 

Railroad, terminus of, 41 

Rations, issuing of, 184 

Rattling, 74 

Ravines, difficulty in crossing, 172, 
173, 174 

Red Leg, 74 

Red Pipestone Quarry, Inkpaduta at, 
255 

Red Rock, 31 

"Red Top" band of Indians, 63 

Red Wing (Minnesota), 39, 52, 53, 
54, 106, 107 

Redwood Agency, news of massacre 
carried to, 126, 127; reference to, 
241, 251, 256 

Refugees, rescue of, 186-189 

Relief expedition, sending of, from 
Fort Ridgely, 128-131; arrival of. 
at Springfield, 153-158; organiza- 
tion of, at Fort Dodge and Webster 
City, 159-169; march of, to Medium 
Lake, 170-181; march of, from Me- 
dium Lake to Granger's Point, 182- 
191 ; activities of burial detail sent 
out by, 192-205; death of members 
of, 204, 205; return of, to Fort 
Dodge and Webster City, 206-214; 
money received for expenses of, 
261-263; experiences of, in blizzard, 
310; pension for survivors of, 317 

Relief party, failure of, 90, 91; at- 
tempt to organize, 93 

Reno, Major, 255 

Revenge, plan of Inkpaduta to secure, 
72-77 

Rexville (New York), 47, 48 

Richards, Charles B., 162, 166, 179, 
182, 188, 192, 193, 208, 264; 
story by, 206, 207; statement by, 
309 

Richards, W. S., 268 

Richardson, Alonzo, 165 

Ridgeway, L. B., 167 

Riggs, Stephen R., 226, 229, 231, 
312; efforts of, to secure release of 
captives, 232 

Roaring Cloud, 73, 74; murder of 
Mrs. Noble by, 234; killing of, 258 

Robinson, Mr., 241 

Rosenkrans, S. B., 164 



Ross, Enoch, relief party under, 90, 91 
Ryan, Enoch, 60, 61, 118, 289; kill- 
ing of, 110; burial of body of, 193 

Sac and Fox Indians, treaties made 
by, 5, 6; reference to, 26, 29, 64, 
65, 66 ; warfare between Sioux and, 
284 

Sac City, 86; relief party from, 90, 91 

Sac County, alarm in, 22 

Sacred Plume, 74 

St. Paul, excitement in, at news of 
massacre, 225 ; arrival of Mrs. 
Marble in, 229, 230; Mrs. Marble 
at, 239, 240; journey of Abbie 
Gardner to, 241, 242; ceremony in 
honor of Abbie Gardner at, 242, 
243; reference to, 317 

Santee SioTix Indians, 65, 71, 255 

Saulsbury, E. W., 164 

Scalp dance, 94, 108; description of, 
104, 105 

"Scarlet Point", 63 (see Inkpaduta) 

Scouting party, activities of, 183-186, 
189, 190 

Searles, W., 167 

Secretary of Interior, order by, 246, 
247, 261 

Se-ha-ho-ta, ransom of Mrs. Marble 
by, 226-231 

Seneca (New York), 47 

Sergeant Bluff, 20 

Settlements, advance of, 3 ; line of, 
in 1857, 37-41 

Settlers, desire of, for Indian lands, 
9; attitude of Indians toward, 11, 
12 ; failure of government to pro- 
tect, 12, 17-25; cause of massacre 
of, 13; abandonment of homes by, 
18, 19; alarm among, 20, 21, 22, 
28; attacks on, instigated by trad- 
ers, 25; depredations among, 31, 
68, 69, 78-83, 84-93; advance of, 
to northwest, 37, 38, 41, 42; isola- 
tion of, 40, 41 ; difficulties of, dur- 
ing winter of 1856-1857, 42, 43; 
arrival of, at lakes, 50-56; names 
of, at Springfield, 56-58; Indians 
fed by, 61, 62; flight of, from 
Springfield, 147-152; preempting of 
claims by, 270 



INDEX 



333 



Shakopee (Minnesota), 242 

Sharp, Mrs. Abbie Gardner, 70, 94, 
105, 156, 157, 217, 235, 265, 266, 
267; efforts of, to secure monu- 
ment, 265; lat*r life of, 270, 271; 
cliaracterization of Sioux by, 292 
(see also Gardner, Abbie) 

Sharp, Casville, marriage of Abbie 
Gardner and, 270 

Sheehan, T. J., 254 

Shell Rock, Gardner at, 48 ; refer- 
ence to, 60 

Shell Rock Valley, 48 

Sherman, George B., 169, 180 

Sherman, Major, 249, 250, 259 

Shiegley, Adam P., 57, 134, 135, 152, 
158 

Shifting Wind, 74 

Shippey's Point, 61, 96, 199, 305; 
march of relief expedition to, 179, 
180; members of relief expedition 
at, 208, 209; breaking up of ex- 
I)edition at, 211 

Sidell (California), 271 

Sidominadota, depredations by band 
under, 29-31; attack of, on Lott, 
32; murder of, 34, 285; murder of 
family of, 34-36; reference to, 63; 
flight of, from Inkpaduta, 68 ; re- 
lation of murder of, to Spirit Lake 
Massacre, 74-77 

Silbaugh, Mr., 271 

Sioux City, 37, 41 

Sioux Indians, Mecca of, 1; govern- 
ment dealings with, 1-8; campaign 
of Harney against, 4; treaties be- 
tween Sacs and Foxes and, 5, 6; 
wrongs done to, 9-16; government 
attitiide toward, 12; retirement of, 
17; depredations by, 17-25; atti- 
tude of, toward whites, 22, 23; 
retrogression of, 23, 24; trouble 
with, near Clear Lake, 26-28; at- 
tack of, on Lott, 32 ; sufferings of, 
during winter of 1856-1857, 43; 
outlaw band of, 63-71 ; relationship 
among, 75; practice of blood re- 
venge among, 75-77; attitude of, 
toward Harney, 82 ; scalp dance 
of, 94; attitude of, toward pipe- 
stone quarry, 218, 219; receptions 



of Inkpaduta's band by, 223; de- 
mand for punishment of, 225; 
trouble over payment of annuities 
to, 248-251; expedition of, against 
Inkpaduta, 252, 253; difTiculties of 
Cullen with, 253, 254; excitement 
among, 258, 259; reservation given 
to, 278; conspiracy among, 282; 
warfare between Sacs and Foxes 
and, 284; Inkpaduta pitied by, 
289, 290; method of becoming exile 
among, 291 ; characterization of, 
292 (see also Wahpekuta Sioux, 
Yankton Sioux, etc.) 

Sioux outbreak, Inkpaduta in, 254, 
255 

Sioux Rapids, settlements near, 39 ; 
reference to, 40, 41, 91, 92, 93 

Sisseton Sioux Indians, treaty made 
by, 7, 8; depredations by, 29-31; 
reference to, 75, 251; council with, 
253 

Sitting Bull, 70, 255 

Skinner, J. B., 57, 134, 152 

Skinner, Mrs. J. B., 134, 152 

Skunk Creek, 224 

Skunk Lake, 224, 225, 226, 246, 252 

Sleds, use of, by Indians, 113, 114; 
use of, by settlers in flight, 149; 
transportation in army by means 
of, 247 

Sleepy-Eye, rendezvous of. 183 

Slocum, Isaac, farm of, 129, 130, 
131, 135 

Smith, Frances M., 47 

Smith, George P., 167, 192, 200, 204, 
205 

Smith, Guernsey, 167, 208 

Smith, Mr., 187 

Smith, Robert, 58, 134, 142, 145, 
158, 302; abandonment of, 152 

Smith, Mrs. Robert, 134, 151, 152, 
302 

Smith, Roderick A., 167, 192, 196, 
266, 267, 297 

Smith, Seth, 81 

Smith, Winton, 167 

Smith's Point, cabin on, 52 

Smithland, settlement at, 40 ; refer- 
ence to, 73, 84, 86, 293 ; actions of 
Inkpaduta's band at, 78-83 



334 



INDEX 



Smoky Moccasin, news given by, 135, 
136; reference to, 300 

Snake Creek, 235, 238, 253 

Snow, depth of, 42, 43, 59, 170; dif- 
ficulties in marching through, 173, 
174, 247 

Snow-blindness, 172 

Snowshoes, use of, recommended, 248 

Snyder, Bertell E., settlement of, at 
Lake Okoboji, 52, 53; reference to, 
98, 99, 105, 118; killing of, 106, 
107 

Soldiers, fear of, by Indians, 215, 
233 ; desire of Indians to be ac- 
companied by, 249, 250 

Sounding Heavens, ransom of Mrs. 
Marble by, 226-231 

South Bend (Minnesota), 129, 131 

Spencer, Owen S., 167, 192, 200 

Spencer, 90 

Spink County (South Dakota), 313 

Spirit Lake, attitude of Indians 
toward, 1; settlement at, 39; refer- 
ence to, 41, 120, 128, 131, 135, 
136, 154, 159, 191, 229; early vis- 
itors to, 44; early accounts of, 44, 
45; description of, 46, 47; settle- 
ment of Marble on shore of, 55 ; 
massacre on shore of, 113-118; 
journey of Palmer and Markham 
to, 137; journey of troops to, 158 

Spirit Lake (South Dakota), 65, 72 

Spirit Lake Massacre, cause of, 1, 2; 
scene of, 4€ ; relation of murder of 
Sidominadota to, 74-77; first day 
of, 94-107; second day of, 108- 
112; pictographic representation 
of, 118, 119, 297; discovery of, by 
Markham, 122-124; news of, car- 
ried to Springfield and Fort Ridge- 
ly, 122-127; discovery of, by Howe 
and others, 159-161; burial of vic- 
tims of, 192-195; memorial tributes 
to persons involved in, 260-268; 
later lives of survivors of, 270, 
271; warning of, 286 
Spirit Lake Relief Expedition (see 
Relief expedition) 

Spirit Lake Township, 46 

Spirit Walker, 226; Mrs. Marble at 
tepee of, 229 



Springfield (Minnesota), 37, 53, 88, 
120, 121, 129, 130, 131, 154, 178, 
183, 189, 191, 198, 247, 266, 270. 
300; settlers at, 39, 56-58; news of 
massacre carried to, 122-126; effect 
of news of massacre upon settlers 
at, 125, 126; relief expedition to, 
128-131; preparations for defense 
at, 132-137; attack on, 138-146; 
flight of settlers from, 147-152; ar- 
rival of relief expedition at, 153- 
158; guard left at, 158; rescue of 
fugitives from, 186-189; careers of 
survivors of massacre at, 272, 273 

Stafford, Patrick, 165 

Stebbins, Carl, 167, 192 

Stevens, Smith E., 166 

Stewart, Johnny, escape of, 145 ; ref- 
erence to, 272, 301 

Stewart, Joshua, 57, 133; killing of, 
144 

Stewart, Mrs. Joshua, 133; killing of, 
144, 145 

Stewart children, killing of, 144. 145 

"Stonewall" Jackson, origin of name, 
298 

Storm Lake, 90 

Stratton, Franklin A.. 166, 182, 309 

Streams, difficulty of captives in 
crossing, 219, 220 

Street, Joseph M., 25 

Strong, E. B. N., 57, 121, 142, 300; 
flight of, 150, 151, 152 

Strong, Mrs. E. B. N., 133 

Supplies, journey east for, 59-61; 
plan of Gardner to secure, 96, 97; 
confiscation of, 180 

Surgeon, 169 

Surveyors, attack made on, 17, 30, 
31, 68 

Swanger, Drusilla, 57, 133, 149, 273; 
wounding of, 141 

Sweeney, Michael, 165, 264 

TahtavShkope Kah-gah, 74 

Target practice, desire of Indians for, 

116 
Tasagi, quarrels between Wamdisapa 

and, 65, 66; murder of, 66, 67; 

reference to, 291 
Taylor, E., 40; ill-treatment of fam- 



INDEX 



XV. 



ily of, by Indians, 89 ; escape of, 
89, 90 
Taylor, Mrs. E., captivity of, 90 
Tchay-tam-bay River, 278 
Tentli United States Infantry, 225 
Tents, securing of, 164 
Territorial bond, issuance of, 2;;i; 

payment of, 246 
Thatcher, Dora, 118 
Thatcher, Joseph M., settlement of, at 
Lake Okoboji, 54, 55 ; journey of, 
east for supplies, 59-61 ; reference 
to, 61, 96, 108, 122, 180, 184, 192, 
196, 244, 305; massacre at cabin 
of, 110, 111; discovery of massacre 
at cabin of, 123, 124, 161; burial 
of victims of massacre at cabin 
of, 193; preempting of claim of, 
270 
Thatcher, Mrs. Joseph M., 60, 113, 
117, 244, 296; taking of, as cap- 
tive, 111; early experiences of, in 
captivity, 111, 112; illness of, 119, 
220; attitude of, toward captivity, 
220; killing of, 221, 222 
Thomas, Mrs. Irene A., 267, 272 
Thomas, James B., 57, 148, 149, 187; 
concentration of settlers at cabin 
of, 133; names of settlers in cabin 
of, 133, 134; description of cabin 
of, 134, 135; attack on cabin of, 
139-143; wounding of, 141; flight 
of settlers from cabin of, 149-151 
Thomas, Mrs. James B., 133 
Thomas, Valentine C, 267, 272 
Thomas, Willie, 57, 139, 151, 272; 

killing of, 142 
Timber, travel in shelter of, 173 
Titonka, 284 

Townsite, plan to lay out, 52 
Traders, 9, 44; power of, over In- 
dians, 13-16, 24, 25 
Transportation, method of, in armv, 

247, 248 
Traverse des Sioux (Minnesota), 
treaty made at, 7, 15, 19, 37, 279; 
failure to carry out treaty made at, 
10; reference to, 242; annuities 
under treaty of, 248 
Treaties, making of, with Indians, 
2-8; wrongs done in making of, 9- 



11; influonco of traders in making 

of, 15 
Tretts, Henry, 58, l:!S, i:!9, 140; 

n(>ws of massacre caiTicd to agency 

by, 126 
Tullis, A. K., 165 
"Two Fingers" (see Sidoininadota) 

Umpashota. 18, 135, 136, 284 
United States government, dealings 
of, with Sioux Indians, 1-8; atti- 
tude of, toward Sioux, 12; failure 
of, to protect frontier, 12, 17-25 
Utah, expedition to, 246 

Van Cleave, Silas, 167, 192 
Vermillion River, 29, 30 
Voyageurs, 44 

Wabashaw's band, 290 

Wagons, transportation by means of. 

247 
Wahkonsa, 284 

Wahjiekuta Sioux Indians, 6, 65, 75, 
249; treaty made by, 7, 8; attitude 
of, toward Spirit Lake, 45; posi- 
tion of Inkpaduta among, 63, 64 ; 
division among, 64 ; pursuit of Ink- 
paduta by, 66; massacre of, 68; 
Inkpaduta dropped from member- 
ship in, 71 ; murder of lowas by, 
290; method of becoming exile 
among, 291 

Wahi>eton Agency, 238 

Wahpeton Sioux Indians, treaty made 
by, 7, 8; reference to, 226; council 
with, 253 

Wahpuja Wicasta, 253 

Wamdisapa, 30, 71; outlaw band led 
by, 64-67 

Wamundiyakapi, massacre of, 68 

Wanduskaihanke, captives purchased 
by, 234 

War dance, 94 

Waterloo, 60, 108 

Waterman, H. H., 40, 88; ill treat- 
ment of, by Indians, 87, 88 

Waterman (town), 40, 41 

Watonwan River, 40, 70, 130 

Weaver, E., ill treatment of, by In- 
dians, 87; reference to, 93 



336 



INDEX 



Weaver family, settlement of, 40 
Webster City, 159, 166, 170, 189, 
211, 215, 284, 302; news of mas- 
sacre carried to, 163; organization 
of relief exi^edition at, 163-166; re- 
turn of members of relief expedition 
to, 213 ; memorial to members of 
relief expedition from, 263, 264 

Webster County, alarm in, 22; refer- 
ence to, 31, 35, 285 

West Okoboji Lake, 46, 113; arrival 
of Gardner family at, 50 

Westerfield, D., 167 

Wheeler, William T., 57; concentra- 
tion at cabin of, 133; name of set- 
tlers at cabin of, 134; shots fired 
into cabin of, 145; flight of set- 
tlers from cabin of, 151, 152 

Wheeloek, R. U., visit of, to lake 
region, 159, 160; return of, to Jas- 
per County, 160; second trip of, to 
lakes, 160, 161; massacre discov- 
ered by, 160, 161; news taken to 
Fort Dodge by, 161, 162; refer- 
ence to, 167, 175, 176, 177, 192, 
196, 297 

Whetstone, Reuben, 167 

Whiskey, effect of, on Indians, 23, 
283; traffic in, 279 

Whiskey-sellers, activities of, among 
Indians, 13; profits made by, 21 

White, John, 167 

White, Mr. 163 

Whites, advance of, into Indian coun- 
try, 1-8; attitude of Sioux Indians 
toward, 22, 23; hatred of, by Ink- 
paduta, 70, 71 

Wilcox, Mr., 39, 93 

Williams, James B., 18 

Williams, Washington, 167 

Williams, William, 18, 19, 20, 28, 35, 
69, 77, 175, 183, 184, 188, 189, 
191, 192, 204, 210, 244, 266,, 281, 
301, 309; meeting presided over 
by, 162; commission held by, 162; 
choice of, to command expedition, 
168, 169; strength and determina- 



tion of, 177; report by, 295; age 
of, 304 

Williamson, Thomas S., 229, 239 

Williamson, Mrs. Thomas S., 239 

Willson, S., 164 

WiUson, W. C, 164 

Wilson, WiUiam R., 167, 192, 195, 
196, 244, 272 

Wiltfong, 159 

Winnebago Indians, reservation giv- 
en to, 6; reference to, 25, 26 

Winter, army transportation in, 247, 
248 

Winter of 1856-1857, character of, 
42, 43 ; sufferings of Indians dur- 
ing, 72, 73 

Wood, Charles, 56 

Wood, George, 56, 132, 136; refusal 
of, to believe in danger, 132, 133, 
136; killing of, 143, 144 

Wood, William, 56, 126, 132; refusal 
of, to believe in danger, 125, 132, 
133, 136; killing of, 143, 144 

Wood brothers, store kept by, 57; In- 
dians at store of, 135, 136; pillag- 
ing of store of, 145, 146 

Woodbury County, alarm in, 20, 22; 
settlement in, 40; reference to, 73, 78 

Woods, Samuel, 18, 281; Fort Dodge 
established by, 280, 281 

Wright, L. K., 166 

Wright County, 309 

Wyoming, 21, 82 

Yankton Sioux Indians, 63, 71, 154, 
234, 253, 255; refuge of Inkpa- 
duta among, 67, 72; reception of 
Inkpaduta's band by, 223; atti- 
tude of, toward captive, 235, 236 

Yellow Medicine Agency, 226, 233, 
245, 254, 312 

Yellow Medicine mission, 239 

Yellow Medicine River, 225, 236, 256, 
257, 269, 278 

Young Men's Christian Association, 
194 

Young Sleepy Eyes, 284 




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